Programme of the Zimbabwe Communist Party

COMPLETING THE

LIBERATION OF ZIMBABWE POWER TO THE WORKERS AND PEASANTS

Programme of the Zimbabwe Communist Party

As adopted at the First Congress of the Zimbabwe Communist Party 19th-21st December 2019

COMPLETING THE

LIBERATION OF ZIMBABWE POWER TO THE WORKERS AND PEASANTS Programme of the Zimbabwe Communist Party As adopted at the First Congress of the Zimbabwe Communist Party 19th-21st December 2019

Introduction

1) It was commonly believed that when the Union Jack was lowered and the Zimbabwe flag was raised on 18th April 1980, that the liberation struggle was over. Zimbabwe would no longer be ruled by white settlers nor by their kith and kin in Britain. 2) The Red Star of socialism was right there on our new flag ― in the near future, it was believed, there would be social ownership of the means of production. Zimbabwe would be owned collectively by its own people and soon everyone would have a nice house with electricity and running water. There would be regular and well-paid employment for the workers and better land and farming equipment for the peasants; free health and free education would be there for all. 3) Without doubt, the protracted people’s war conducted by the soldiers of ZIPRA and ZANLA with the active support of the majority of the people of Zimbabwe, brought an end to the colonial settler state of Rhodesia. This was truly a step forward in our history. But the people did not shed their blood simply to rid themselves of white settler domination, they did so with the hope of improving the living standards of themselves and their children and of establishing a stable political, economic and social environment under which this could happen. 4) Conditions in 1980 may not have been conducive for the immediate building of socialism, but they were conducive for the building of a National Democratic Economy; the building of such an economy, the characteristics which we will describe later in our programme, would, in the view of the Communist Party, Complete the Liberation of Zimbabwe and prepare the ground for an advance to socialism. 5) In 1980 and thereafter, what happened? What went wrong? Firstly, it was a mistake to believe that the interests of the white settlers and the British ruling-class were the same simply because they were of the same colour. Secondly, it was a mistake to imagine that the political leadership of the new ruling party had the same class interests as the black majority simply because they were of the same colour.

White Settlers and Big Capital

6) Let us look more closely at the relationship between the white settlers and big capital in Britain, Europe and the United States. The white settlers brought with them European technology and methods of administration and built infrastructure. Through the exploitation of the labour provided by the local black community which they had defeated, they were able to enjoy a living standard higher than most had enjoyed in their country of birth. Many of them hoped to make Rhodesia into a British Dominion like Canada, Australia or New Zealand; but unlike in those countries, they were severely outnumbered by the native inhabitants.

7) The British ruling class were aware of that: aware that the settlers might not, in the long term, be able to retain power; as early as 1949, one of its most far-sighted members, David Stirling (19151990), established the Capricorn Africa Society to train young Africans to work in the interests of that class once the day of the settler was passed. The slogan of the Society was “equal rights for all civilised people” ― in other words, the most educated Africans would be incorporated into the system which they controlled. The, real imperialists, those based overseas in Britain and elsewhere, had realised that if they did not step in, the growing power of Communists ideas and Communist organisation, which had grown tremendously during and just after the Second World War, would sweep away their control of African resources and undermine their wealth and their privileged position.

Communism and Pan-Africanism

8) The victory over fascism in the Second World War (1939-1945), mainly through the efforts of the Soviet Union and its Red Army but assisted by Communist-led resistance movements in many other countries, led to the establishment of socialist countries in Eastern Europe and in China, Korea and Vietnam. Colonial possessions in Asia, India, Pakistan, Burma, Indonesia also gained independence from direct colonial rule. These victories had a profound influence on those fighting for the rights of Africans and also of those of African descent in the Americas [North and South America and the Caribbean]. 9) In late October 1945, only two months after the Allied victory in Japan and five months after the entry of the Red Army into Berlin, the German capital, the 5th Pan-African Congress was held in Manchester, England. That conference marked a turning point in the direction of the pan-African movement. The fight for the recognition of the humanity of Africans and those of African descent grew into the struggle for the creation of independent states in Africa and the Caribbean. 10) The First Pan-African Conference had been held at Westminster Hall (now Caxton Hall) in London in 1900. It was organised by Trinidadian lawyer, Henry Sylvester Williams (1869-1911). It was a polite affair which included tea with the Bishop of London at his residence. There was, however, a petition to Queen Victoria (1819-1901; Queen 1837-1901) concerning the conditions of Africans in South Africa and Rhodesia which included: “1. The degrading and illegal compound system of labour in vogue in Kimberley and Rhodesia. “2. The so-called indenture, i.e., legalised bondage of African men and women and children to white colonists.” 11) The emphasis was on ending racial discrimination within the system rather than on national liberation, but it was from this meeting that the Pan-African Association was formed and a new movement came into existence. It was a US citizen, W.E.B. Du Bois (1868-1963), who chaired one of the First Pan-African Conference committees, who was to lead the movement in future. Under his leadership, the First Pan-African Congress was convened in Paris in 1919 and included many Francophone African delegates, an important step in bridging the gap between people colonised by the two major imperialist powers, Britain and France. 12) Du Bois himself, started his political career as an élitist, an advocate of the idea of the “Talented Tenth” of the black population of the USA becoming the leaders of their community. It must here be observed that the aspirations of African-Americans to gain full rights within the USA where they were a minority, were not the same as the aspirations of Africans and the people of the Caribbean struggling for self-governance. 13) Nevertheless, the battle for Africans and people of African descent to regain their dignity through reclaiming their history and affirming their culture, represented a major step forward and was never better expressed than in The Souls of Black Folk, written by W.E.B. Du Bois in 1904.

14) “Black Consciousness” is, without any doubt, important in developing the self-respect of Africans and people of African descent dehumanised by slavery, colonialism and the colour bar, but it can never, in itself, constitute a political programme for the capture of state power by anti-imperialist forces led by the workers and peasants and the subsequent development of production through the promotion of national democratic and socialist economies. 15) During his lifetime, Du Bois observed the powerful role played by Communists both in fighting imperialism and in the building of economies under socialism. By the early 1950s he had moved from being simply a promoter of the rights of Africans and those of African descent to becoming thoroughly pro-Communist, eventually joining the Communist Party USA in 1961 at the age of 93. Immediately after joining the CPUSA, Du Bois moved to Ghana which had gained its independence in 1957 under the leadership of his greatest protégé, Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972: PM, Gold Coast 1952-1957; PM, Ghana 1957-1960; President, Ghana 1960-1967). W.E.B. Du Bois and the most advanced section of pan-Africanists had come to realise that racialism had an economic base and that without changing the mode of production, Africans could never be fully liberated. 16) At the 5th PanAfrican Congress were a number of men who would become leaders in their own countries, Hastings Banda (1898-1997; PM, Nyasaland 1961-1964; PM, Malawi 1964-1966; President, Malawi, 19661994) Jomo Kenyatta (C1897-1978; PM, Kenya 1961-1964, President, Kenya 1964-1978), but most notable of all, was Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. 17) Today, Nkrumah is generally recognised as the main founder of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963. As the protégé of Du Bois, he was a proponent of scientific socialism, and had he not been removed from power through a coup engineered by the British government, Ghana would, almost certainly, have become a major producer of aluminium products instead of merely an exporter of aluminium ingots. It would have become an industrialised country. 18) If we are to move forward, we must understand the historical relationship of Pan-Africanism to Communism and its importance. Many modern, idealistic “pan-Africanists” like to claim that “Communism is a European import” ― as if capitalism was not! They talk of “African Socialism”, the collective life of the village, ‘Ubuntuism’. They imagine that if they wear African attire and practice and condemn the white man, then Africa will be free! We must ask; “Will clean water, electricity, motor cars, be produced through “village socialism”? 19) We must further remember that although the pan-African movement started with people of subSaharan African origin, that in the 1950s, Gamal Abdel Nasser (1918-1970; President, Egypt 19541970) overthrew King Farouk (1920-1965; King 1936-1952) in the British semi-colony of Egypt establishing true independence and that in 1954 the FLN in Algeria, led by Ahmed Ben Bella (19162012: President, Algeria 1963-1965) began the first major armed struggle for independence on the African continent in the post-World War II era. Concrete conditions changed the nature of the PanAfrican struggle. 20) Practical pan-Africanism, then, the pan-Africanism of our greatest leaders, became primarily concerned with the economic and social development of our whole continent, regardless of race. While recognising the specific forms of oppression meted out against the black majority, the legacy of the slave trade and the arrogant racism of European settlers, particularly in the south of the continent, simplistic racial solutions based on an idealised past can never lead to real progress. 21) Let us see what Kwame Nkrumah had to say on the issue: “There is only one way of achieving socialism; by the devising of policies aimed at the general socialist goals, each of which takes its particular form from the specific circumstances of a particular state at a definite historical period.

“Socialism depends on dialectical and historical materialism, upon the view that there is only

one nature, subject in all its manifestations to natural laws and that human society is, in this sense, part of nature and subject to its own laws of development. “It is the elimination of fancifulness from socialist action that makes socialism scientific. To suppose that there are tribal, national, or racial socialisms is to abandon objectivity in favour of chauvinism.” Kwame Nkrumah, African Socialism Revisited (1967) 22) There is another form of reactionary “pan-Africanism” based not on an idealistic vision of wellmeaning people, but rather on the crude interests of the aspiring bourgeoisie, of people whose indignation was and is based on the idea, that they, and not the white minority should be the rulers and exploiters of the black majority. 23) This social stratum is now in the ascendancy in Zimbabwe. We have characterised this class as the “parasitic bourgeoisie” or more recently as simply the “looting class”. In order to understand the history of this class properly and the ideological narrative with which it justifies its actions, we need to study the formation of the liberation movement in South Africa which was to exert a strong influence on the movement in Zimbabwe. 24) When the South African Native National Congress (renamed African National Congress in 1923) was formed in 1912 it included delegates from all those territories in southern Africa colonised by the British. More than 30 traditional leaders came from Southern Rhodesia to attend its founding conference. Although the formation of the SANNC was a major step forward in the struggle of the southern African people against European domination, we should also recognise that, at the beginning, it was primarily an organisation of the African élite seeking incorporation into a system from which they were being excluded due to their race. 25) Native Life in South Africa, was written by Sol Plaatje (1876-1932), first Secretary-General of the SANNC and its most eloquent publicist in its early days. Throughout it maintains the loyalty of Africans to the British Empire: “We would draw the attention of the British people to the fact that the most painful part of the present ordeal to the loyal black millions, who are now doing all they can, or are allowed to do, to help the Empire to win the war, is that they suffer this consummate oppression…” Sol T. Plaatje, Native Life in South Africa ― Before and Since (1916): Epilogue p.286 (online version) 26) The male leaders, dressed in smart European-style suits, and with the avowed intention of demonstrating their respectability, would politely petition either the government of the Union of South Africa or that of the colonial centre. Britain for more rights for Africans. At meetings of the ANC as late as the early 1950s the British national anthem “God Save the King” would be sung. 27) While the men were trying to prove their respectability to the colonial authorities, in 1913, the women, led by Charlotte Maxeke (1874-1939) demonstrated their militancy by burning passes; this was the first time that this took place in South Africa; government was forced to back down. Maxeke founded the Bantu Women’s League in 1918 and in 1919, women again protested on the streets against the threat of the re-introduction of Pass Laws for women. 28) In our struggle for the Completion of the Liberation of Zimbabwe, we must never forget that this cannot be achieved without the organic contribution of women in that struggle ― and when, as Communists, we talk of women, we do not refer to those whose ambitions are to live an extravagant lifestyle at the expense of the masses. The women we talk of are those of the working class, peasantry and revolutionary intelligentsia, the backbone of our nation.

29) The first organisation on our African continent to espouse scientific socialism, MarxismLeninism, was the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), formed in 1921, by white workers. At its formation there was only one black member, T.W. Thibedi (1888-1960). At its 3rd Conference in 1924, the Party agreed that it must struggle to obtain a majority of black members, and by 1928, this had become a reality, although whites continued to dominate the Central Executive Committee for some years to come. At first, the CPSA understood only the basic class struggle, worker against capitalist, but did not properly understand the national struggle against imperialism and that racial oppression was a result of imperialism. 30) In February 1927, James La Guma (1894-1961), the CPSA Chairman from Cape Town was delegated to the Congress of the League Against Imperialism in Brussels, Belgium. He was accompanied by the ANC delegate, J.T. Gumede (1867-1946); after the Congress, La Guma and Gumede went to Germany where they were enthusiastically received at a rally of 10,000 German Communists. Gumede returned to South Africa as a firm friend of the Communists, and in June 1927 was elected as President of the ANC, with CPSA member E.J. Khaile elected as Secretary-General. 31) In November 1927, La Guma and Gumede made another joint trip, this time to the USSR. This trip was to have far reaching consequences for both the CPSA and the ANC. Gumede returned in February 1928, addressing a large crowd in Cape Town which had come to welcome him said: “I have seen the new world to come, where it has already begun. I have been to the new Jerusalem. I have brought the key which would unlock the door to freedom.” Quoted: Dr Raymond van Diemel, I Have Seen the New Jerusalem: Revisiting and re-conceptualising Josiah T. Gumede and Jimmy La Guma’s USSR visit of 1927 (2001) 32) However, there were other forces at work within the ANC. The reactionary wing could not — and did not — remain neutral to the remarks and development of Gumede. One chief warned, “The Tsar was a great man in his country, of royal blood like us chiefs and where is he now?.. If the ANC continues to fraternise with them [the communists] we chiefs cannot continue to belong to it.” Another chief said: “It will be a sad day for me when I am ruled by the man who milks my cow and ploughs my field.” Quoted: Biography of J.T. Gumede, www.anc.org.za 33) In 1930, the chiefs and élitists removed J.T. Gumede from his post as ANC President, and the position was taken by Pixley ka Isaka Seme (C1881-1951), one of the original founders of the SANNC. Under Seme’s leadership, the ANC withered away and by 1935 had almost disappeared; it was revived in 1937. 34) During their visit to the Soviet Union, James La Guma was also busy. He met the leadership of the Comintern (Communist International), which at that time guided the policy direction of all the world’s Communist Parties. The result was, in the following year, 1929, the Resolution on the South African Question adopted by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) following the 6th Congress of the Comintern, this stated: “…the Communist Party of South Africa must combine the fight against all anti-native laws with the general political slogan in the fight against British domination, the slogan of an independent native South African republic as a stage towards a workers’ and peasants’ republic, with full equal rights for all races, black, coloured and white.” And to achieve this goal:

“The Party should pay particular attention to the embryonic national organisations among the

natives, such as the African National Congress. The Party, while retaining its full independence, should participate in these organisations, should seek to broaden and extend their activity. Our aim should be to transform the African National Congress into a fighting nationalist revolutionary organisation…” 35) The first real nationalist in South Africa, then, was James La Guma, a Communist. There is a false narrative, a false contradiction often expounded by otherwise excellent comrades, which counterposes ‘nationalists’ to ‘communists’. In South Africa, it was the Communist Party which was the first to have a nationalist agenda. Yet looters who have destroyed the economy of Zimbabwe and have come close to destroying the economy of South Africa are frequently referred to as ‘nationalists’. Can those with an agenda of self-enrichment leading to the economic and social dismemberment of the country in which they live be called ‘nationalists’? 36) At this stage in our history, Communists must be the leading nationalists, not in the narrow sense, but in the sense so often articulated by one of the founders of the national liberation movement in Zimbabwe, the late Vice-President Joseph Msika (1923-2009; VP Zimbabwe 1999-2009) in the phrase: “I am a nationalist, I am a pan-Africanist, I am a proletarian internationalist.” Joseph Msika was one of the leading trade unionists, who in 1957 turned the nearly defunct Southern Rhodesian African National Congress (SRANC) into a liberation movement. 37) The liberation movement in Southern Rhodesia was strongly influenced by the more developed movement in South Africa and there are a number of similarities but also important differences. In both South Africa and Zimbabwe, it was the working class which created and led the national liberation movements: in South Africa through the Communist Party which led the transformation of the ANC from a pressure group into a fighting national liberation movement, while in Zimbabwe it was the trade unionists which transformed the SRANC from a pressure group into a fighting national liberation movement. 38) It is clear that in both countries, the working class has lost its leading role in the former liberation movements to the detriment of the majority of the people of both countries. The existence and clear political stance of the South African Communist Party, though, has ensured that the voice of the working class is still heard in South Africa and that the degeneration that has affected both countries has been challenged in South Africa and has not reached the rock-bottom level that has occurred in Zimbabwe. The SACP, then, has proved that not only is it the Vanguard of the Working Class but also the Vanguard of National Liberation. The Zimbabwe Communist Party must seek to emulate and even improve on the example shown to us by the SACP. 39) What is obvious in Zimbabwe is that despite a degree of influence of Marxist-Leninist ideology during the liberation struggle, until now, there has been no vanguard party in Zimbabwe capable of analysing our history; the class structure of our society; of understanding our own culture; our relationship with Africa and the rest of the world; the influence of imperialism on our economy and our politics, and the current conditions of struggle.

Zimbabwe: History and Conditions

40) Let us now investigate the specific history and conditions of Zimbabwe more closely: The history of Zimbabwe’s current political economy starts in 1890 with the arrival of the Pioneer Column. Colonisation soon swept away the previous relations of production and replaced it by capitalism. Historically, Zimbabwe had traded with the Arabs, Swahilis, Portuguese, Indians and Chinese in gold and ivory, but in the main there was peasant production of grain in the form of different varieties of sorghum and millet; growing of vegetables; and livestock rearing of goats and cattle.

41) The degree of importance of livestock rearing in relation to crop-growing varied according to the amount of rainfall and of soil conditions found in different parts of the country. In some areas, communal-patriarchal relations of production had given way to a form of feudalism and the beginning of class society. Here and there, there were still hunter-gatherers. But from at least as early as the 14th century, there was a small class of traders linked to hereditary leaders. 42) The colonisers simultaneously brought with them both modern infrastructural development and racial oppression. They determined the shape of the country which was at first called “British South Africa” and from 1895 “Rhodesia”. 43) European settlers did not enter the country which we now call Zimbabwe simply to oppress black people; they came for economic reasons which were dictated by the development of capitalism in Europe through the 19th century until it had reached its monopoly stage. Small capitalists had been swallowed by big capitalists. Capitalism needed to grow through the export of capital to make more profit and through the ever-increasing need for raw materials both from mining and agriculture. 44) In 1885, the leaders of the contesting European capitalist countries came together at the Berlin Conference and divided Africa between them. Prior to that, European capital had been content with trading ports around the African coast but few had ventured into the interior. The percentage of Africa belonging to European Powers was 11% in 1876, and 90% in 1900 45) In 1916, in his book Imperialism the Highest Stage of Capitalism V.I. Lenin (1870-1924; Led Soviet Russia 1917-1923) made this summary of the main features of imperialism: “(1) The concentration of production and capital has developed to such a high stage that it has created monopolies which play a decisive role in economic life; “(2) The merging of bank capital with industrial capital, and the creation, on the basis of this “finance capital”, of a financial oligarchy; “(3) The export of capital as distinguished from the export of commodities acquires exceptional importance; “(4) The formation of international monopolist capitalist associations which share the world among themselves; “(5) The territorial division of the whole world among the biggest capitalist powers is completed. Imperialism is capitalism at that stage of development at which the dominance of monopolies and finance capital is established; in which the export of capital has acquired pronounced importance; in which the division of the world among the international trusts has begun, in which the division of all territories of the globe among the biggest capitalist powers has been completed.” In the same work, Lenin quotes Cecil Rhodes (1853-1902): “I was in the East End of London [a working-class quarter] yesterday and attended a meeting of the unemployed. I listened to the wild speeches, which were just a cry for ‘bread! bread!’ and on my way home I pondered over the scene and I became more than ever convinced of the importance of imperialism… My cherished idea is a solution for the social problem, i.e. in order to save the 40,000,000 inhabitants of the United Kingdom from a bloody civil war, we colonial statesmen must acquire new lands to settle the surplus population, to provide new markets for the goods produced in the factories and mines. The Empire, as I have always said, is a bread and butter question. If you want to avoid civil war, you must become imperialists.” 46) The Pioneer Column was not a project of the British Government; it was planned and financed by the British South Africa Company a joint-stock company under the leadership of Cecil Rhodes looking principally for profit.

47) It was J.V. Stalin (1878-1953; Led USSR 1924-1953) who in his book The Foundations of Leninism written in 1924, pointed out: “The third contradiction is the contradiction between the handful of ruling, ‘civilised’ nations and the hundreds of millions of the colonial and dependent peoples of the world. Imperialism is the most barefaced exploitation and the most inhuman oppression of hundreds of millions of people inhabiting vast colonies and dependent countries. The purpose of this exploitation and of this oppression is to squeeze out super-profits. But in exploiting these countries imperialism is compelled to build there railways, factories and mills, industrial and commercial centres. “The appearance of a class of proletarians, the emergence of a native intelligentsia, the awakening of national consciousness, the growth of the liberation movement — such are the inevitable results of this ‘policy’. The growth of the revolutionary movement in all colonies and dependent countries without exception clearly testifies to this fact. This circumstance is of importance for the proletariat inasmuch as it saps radically the position of capitalism by converting the colonies and dependent countries from reserves of imperialism into reserves of the proletarian revolution.” 48) The truth of Stalin’s statement is born out in Zimbabwe by the fact that despite the co-ordination of the different ethnic groups across Zimbabwe in the resistance war which began in Matabeleland 1893 and later spread across the country due to the influence of the Kalanga religious leader Makwati (Shona: Mukwati), they could not defeat the imperialist colonisers. Spears could not defeat Maxim machine-guns. 49) The old system of chiefs and kings was either swept away of made subservient to the Rhodesian administration. The colonisers built infrastructure, railways, coal-mines, power stations. Hut tax was imposed so that young men would have to work in the mines or for other European businesses in order to earn money to pay that tax. Thus there was the beginning of a native proletariat. Resistance was not led, for the most part, by the old traditional leaders, but rather by the young men trained in the mission schools and who were part of the new system. 50) The colonisation of Zimbabwe and South Africa was, however, different from that further north. In most of Africa, imperialism sought at that time only to plunder minerals or to establish plantations. In Rhodesia and South Africa, the Europeans who came to settle were trying to establish a permanent home. So, despite their arrogant racism, they built an infrastructure based on European concepts and at the same time, especially for those of working-class origin, established for themselves living standards of which they could only dream in Europe; black servants became the norm for people who had never had servants in their place of origin. 51) From 1890 to 1923, Southern Rhodesia (as well as Northern Rhodesia) was ruled by the British South Africa Company. The settlers of Southern Rhodesia, however, did not want permanent rule from a board of directors whom they had no say in choosing; they petitioned the British Government, and, following a whites-only referendum, were given “Responsible Government”. 52) Mindful, even then, that unlike Australia, New Zealand, Canada and even South Africa that whites were only a small minority, the British Government did not give Southern Rhodesia official Dominion status; but with its own Parliament, it was, in fact, run in a similar way to the Dominions. 53) With power in their hands, the Rhodesian settlers established an infrastructure of roads and railways. Wankie Colliery supplied coal for the provision of electricity and in the 1960s the Kariba Dam supplied hydro-electricity. Iron ore was mined in the Midlands and the state-owned Rhosteel (later Ziscosteel) became the centre of the steel industry.

54) In agriculture, the 1930 Land Act divided the land into white-owned land and African-owned land. About half the land was allocated to the white minority and about half to the black majority. In general, the best land was given to the white minority. Although there were a number of subsequent Acts which modified the original Act in one way or another, sometimes giving concessions to Africans and at other times taking more land away from them, the pattern of land ownership remained more or less the same until Independence in 1980 and for some time after. 55) Of great commercial importance were tobacco, sugar and tea with cotton coming somewhat later. Pine forests were established in Manicaland by the Forestry Commission and there were large agroindustrial estates responsible for tea and sugar. 56) Although it is true that 70% of maize was produced by black communal farmers, it is also true that 70% of the population lived in the rural areas. The cities, then, were supplied with most of their staple food through the efforts of the white commercial farmers. The white farmers also set up collective marketing organisations. Dairyboard, Cotton Marketing Board, Grain Marketing Board etc., as well as Farmers Co-op as a consumer co-operative. 57) Private industry grew up in the towns and cities but workers were very poorly paid. The fact that most male workers relied in part for their maintenance on their women-folk producing food on the communal land only served to drive the wage levels down.

Zimbabwe: Beginning of the Workers’ Movement

58) The first recorded strike by African workers in Zimbabwe was the Wankie Colliery strike which took place on 31st December 1912. Although it lasted only one day and there was no trade union organisation, it was indeed the first. 59) In 1918, the Malawian, Clements Kadalie (1896-1951) formed the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union (ICU) in South Africa. It gained a lot of traction in South Africa during the 1920s and in 1928 formed a branch in Bulawayo (then the industrial hub of Southern Rhodesia) where it was led by Masotsha Ndlovu (1890-1982), Zimbabwe’s first notable trade union leader. Masotsha Ndlovu had spent time in South Africa where he had been influenced by the ANC and the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA). 60) The railways were the biggest employers of labour in Southern Rhodesia, and white workers organised the country’s first really effective trade union, the Rhodesian Railway Workers’ Union (RRWU) during the First World War, in 1919 and 1920 staging very successful strikes. The RRWU was explicitly racist, it did not allow black members, but the success of the white trade union was not lost on African workers who organised themselves into the Rhodesia Railways African Employees Union (RRAEU) which was to stage the first major successful strike by Africans in 1945 after the end of the Second World War. The strike even spread into Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia). For the first time workers in Zimbabwe discovered the benefits of organisation and discipline. 61) In the late 1940s and early 1950s, two working-class organisations played a major role in expanding the day to day trade union and other struggles of the people for improved conditions leading to the beginning of national consciousness. These were the Salisbury (Harare) based Reformed Industrial and Commercial Union (RICU) and the Bulawayo based African Voice Association. 62) An active member of the ICU, Charles Mzingeli (1905-1980), born near Plumtree, moved to Salisbury in 1929. The ICU, under heavy repression from the Southern Rhodesian government, disintegrated during the 1930s. But in 1946, Mzingeli formed the Reformed Industrial and Commercial Union (RICU); he was strongly influenced by Masotsha Ndlovu, the CPSA and the underground Southern Rhodesian Communist Party (SRCP) (which lasted from 1941 until 1949 under the leadership of the German, Gottfried Lessing (1914-1979), a future diplomat of the German Democratic Republic.)

63) The RICU became far more than a trade union; although it continued to defend workers’ rights in the workplace, it also fought for better accommodation in the urban areas and for women to live together with their menfolk in the cities in this period of migrant labour. Although the RICU had nation-wide membership, it was particularly in Salisbury that it was seen as the main champion of the rights of the African working class. 64) Benjamin Burombo (1909-1959), born in Buhera, went to work in South Africa as a young man where he was influenced by the ICU, ANC and CPSA. In the early 1940s he left South Africa for Bulawayo where he organised the British African National Voice Association, which soon became simply the African Voice Association. This organisation started as a trade union but soon became wider in its scope. It was the African Voice Association which initiated the 1948 General Strike which was joined by other trade union organisations including the RICU. After the strike, Burombo and his organisation fought land grabs by white settlers in the courts, often with a degree of success. As a person who organised both urban workers and rural peasants before the national liberation struggle started in earnest, we sometimes refer to Benjamin Burombo as the “Grandfather of Zimbabwe”. 65) The 1948 General Strike forced government to alleviate working conditions. What was most important about that strike was that it was truly national, and involved workers in different industries, thus it began to acquire a political aspect. As we have already noted, the atmosphere of change which followed the Second World War including demands for the decolonisation of Africa were gaining traction among the Zimbabwean workers. We should not forget either the massive industrial growth in Southern Rhodesia during the 1940s which attracted many from the rural areas into the cities. We salute the class warriors who began the workers’ struggle in Zimbabwe. 66) Today, ethnic division between ‘Shona’ and ‘Ndebele’ has been accepted as a societal norm in Zimbabwe, but in the late 1940s and early 1950s, as we have seen, the most important leader of the African people in predominantly Shona-speaking Salisbury was a Kalanga from Matabeleland while at the same time in predominantly Ndebele-speaking Bulawayo the most important African leader was a Shona-speaker from Manicaland.

Zimbabwe: Beginning of the Nationalist Movement

67) As mentioned earlier, the Southern Rhodesian African National Congress had started in 1912 as a section of the South African Native National Congress. It was revived in 1934 and again in 1945 and at some stage became known as the Southern Rhodesian Bantu Congress. Our lack of detailed knowledge, is, on the one hand an indictment on our lack of detailed historical research, but on the other hand the organisation had little immediate impact on events of the time. 68) The understanding of economic, political and social developments in our country both during the colonial period and since Independence, are little understood by most of our intellectuals and academics and even less by our general population. ZANU (with or without the ‘PF’) has simplified and modified our historical narrative in its favour in such a way that many of our younger people, in light of the failures of our post-Independence governments, have rejected the concept of national liberation entirely. 69) Part of the vanguard role of the Communist Party is to encourage the restoration of our historical narrative in its entirety, relating the internal to the external factors and viewing the whole through the critical lens of historical materialism. 70) The old SRANC first emerged out of the mist in 1952 after Joshua Nkomo became Chairman of the Bulawayo branch (there were no other branches in Southern Rhodesia at that time).

71) In 1948, the white electorate in South Africa had rejected the pro-British Jan Smuts (1870-1950: PM, South Africa 1919-1924, 1939-1948) and had elected the hard-line Afrikaner D.F. Malan (18741959; PM, South Africa 1948-1954). The British government and the Rhodesians came up with a plan to build an alternative to South Africa by organising a British-controlled Federation of Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) and Nyasaland (Malawi). The African leadership in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland was hostile to a Federation in which Southern Rhodesia with its race laws would predominate. 72) Southern Rhodesian Prime Minister Godfrey Huggins (1883-1971: PM, Southern Rhodesia 19331953: PM Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland 1953-1956) was asked by the British government in London to bring two Africans for talks around the proposed Federation. Huggins invited SRANC Chairman Joshua Nkomo (1917-1999; VP, Zimbabwe 1990-1999) and journalist Jasper Savanhu (1917-1984). When they arrived in London, they found themselves referred to as ‘stooges’ by both other Africans and the British left. At the conference which they attended, Nkomo spoke out against the Federation and he and Savanhu walked out. On their return, Nkomo had his passport taken away and he and the SRANC began to gain credibility among the masses of the African people of the region. 73) The irony is that today, many African nationalists believe that in the longer term, rejection of the Federation was a mistake and that to have one large country would have become a long-term advantage. With or without the agreement of the African majority, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland became a reality lasting from 1953 to 1963. 74) Although there were a number of splits and differences, the trade union movement in Southern Rhodesia continued to grow as the economy expanded taking on ever more workers. By 1955, young working-class men in Salisbury, notably James Chikerema (1925-2006) and George Nyandoro (19261994) formed the City Youth League, inspired by the ANC Youth League in South Africa and in 1956 organised a bus boycott on the grounds that bus fares took up between one-third and one-half of workers’ wages. The boycott was well supported, and lasted 3 days after which a Commission was established which improved the fares. 75) The City Youth League changed its name to the African Youth League and entered into talks with the remaining operative branch of the SRANC in Bulawayo, by that time led by the trade unionists Joseph Msika (1923-2009) and J.Z. Moyo (1927-1977). The result was that in September 1957, the two organisations united to re-launch the Southern Rhodesian African National Congress as a genuinely national party covering all parts of the country. The ailing Benjamin Burombo also told his followers in the African Voice Association to join the new organisation. Joshua Nkomo, by that time President of the Railway African Workers’ Union (RAWU) was asked to become President of the SRANC. For the first time in its history, Zimbabwe had a militant, fighting nationalist party led by workers. The problem was that there was no coherent ideology. 76) At first the SRANC was able to win a number of concessions from the liberal white Prime Minister Garfield Todd (1908-2002; PM Southern Rhodesia 1953-1958), including a minimum wage, but Todd’s attempts to bring more Africans into parliament led to his own party removing him from office in 1958. His successor, Edgar Whitehead (1905-1871; PM, Southern Rhodesia 1958-1962) then banned the SRANC in February 1959. Todd, who started as a liberal, went on to become a supporter of the liberation struggle, being confined to his farm in Midlands Province for a number of years and is regarded as a national hero by all except ZANU(PF). 77) Despite the banning of the SRANC, the first modest step towards armed struggle was made when 6 people led by Mark Nziramasanga (born 1931 date of decease unknown) were sent by the SRANC to newly independent Ghana for military training. After 6 months, J.Z. Moyo went to Ghana to attend their passing out ceremony.

78) When Moyo arrived in the Ghanaian capital, Accra, he discovered that there was a Zimbabwean teaching at the teachers’ training college there, that was Robert Mugabe. Moyo recruited Mugabe who was to marry Sally Hayfron, a Ghanaian whose father was a political opponent of President Kwame Nkrumah. It is significant that ZANU was to receive funding from Ghana after the 1966 British organised coup against Nkrumah. 79) The SRANC was banned in March 1959 but was replaced by the National Democratic Party (NDP) in January 1960. The NDP was banned in December 1961 but was replaced by the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) within a few days. 80) During the period of the NDP, sabotage of government installations in what was then Southern Rhodesia had reached alarming proportions in the eyes of the white colonial élite. Military training was carried out in Algeria, Egypt and China. In 1962 Nkomo, the ZAPU President, secured a promise from the Soviet Union to begin military training early the next year. This did not please antiCommunist elements within ZAPU which broke away to form ZANU in 1963.

Neo-Colonial Agenda

81) At this point we need to understand the dynamics between the imperialist powers and the African liberation movements. The liberation war in Algeria and the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya had proved very costly to the two main colonial powers on the African continent, France and Britain respectively. 82) By the end of the 1950s it was clear to both of them that a new policy towards their African colonies was urgently needed and the neo-colonial system was adopted. In other words, African countries were given their black presidents, national anthems and flags while the imperialist centre remained in control of industry and mining. 83) During the 1960s there was a rapid move by Britain and France to grant ‘Independence’ to African countries. However, in doing so, a great deal of power was given to the greedy black élite which yearned for the living standards of the European colonisers without having their organisational skills, or the understanding of capitalism of their former masters — and, in fact, their former masters were not, for the most part really ‘former’: they simply receded into the background, still reaping the profits but without direct control. 84) As early as 1961, the African writer Frantz Fanon (1925-1961) had this to say in the chapter The Pitfalls of National Consciousness in his famous book The Wretched of the Earth: “The objective of nationalist parties… is… strictly national. They mobilize the people with slogans of independence, and for the rest leave it to future events. When such parties are, questioned on the economic programme of the state that they are clamouring for… they are incapable of replying, because, precisely, they are completely ignorant of the economy of their own country. “In underdeveloped countries, we have seen that no true bourgeoisie exists; there is only a sort of little greedy caste, avid and voracious, with the mind of a huckster, only too glad to accept the dividends that the former colonial power hands out to it. “This get-rich-quick middle class shows itself incapable of great ideas or of inventiveness. It remembers what it has read in European textbooks and imperceptibly it becomes not even the replica of Europe, but its caricature.”

85) However, in the southern part of Africa, the Portuguese would have nothing to do with political independence even in its neo-colonial form, hence wars started in Angola and Mozambique. In Rhodesia and South Africa, it was clear to the imperialists that, on the one hand, the white settler régimes would not last ― but on the other hand, in Mozambique and Angola the liberation movements had strong links to the Soviet Union and the underground Portuguese Communist Party. In South Africa, the main liberation movement, the African National Congress (ANC) was strongly influenced by the underground Communist Party and was supported by the Soviet Union. In Zimbabwe, from 1962, the liberation movement, the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU), had established strong links with both the Soviet Union and the ANC of South Africa. 86) The question for the imperialists was “How do we get rid of these outdated racist governments without letting Communist-aligned governments take over?” For them, the new rulers must be willing tools of monopoly capitalist, in particular mining interests. 87) Further, local southern African white settlers had to some degree, set up semi-autonomous economies outside of the direct control of imperialism. This was particularly true in Rhodesia but also true to a degree in South Africa. This was not too popular in Europe and America. 88) By 1965, and under pressure from the Commonwealth, Britain put sanctions against the intransigent Rhodesian Government. As mentioned earlier, it is commonly believed that the interests of all whites are the same; this concept was frequently articulated by Robert Mugabe. 89) In fact, the interests of the settlers were different from those of the imperialist centre. This was witnessed in 1965 when Rhodesia made its Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) from Britain, because of Britain’s insistence on the NIBMAR principle ― No Independence Before Majority Rule ― which the Rhodesians refused. Britain then put Rhodesia under sanctions which were to last until 1980. 90) Even before UDI, the imperialists were manoeuvring towards the establishment of a black neocolonial government. The growing ties between ZAPU and the socialist world were not part of that plan; British intelligence manufactured a split in the movement, using as an excuse that the leader, Nkomo was a “member of a minority tribe”. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), ostensibly more militant, was born in 1963 and, with the assistance of the imperialist powers, was to come to power in 1980.

Armed Struggle

91) The ZANU narrative is that the armed liberation struggle started in 1966 with the heroic attack by ZANU combatants in Sinoia (now Chinhoyi). This is not correct: extensive sabotage operations of government facilities began as early as 1960 under the NDP. The Sinoia raid was a one-off. 92) The first serious armed challenge against the Rhodesians took place with the Wankie and Sipholilo campaigns launched jointly in 1967 by the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) and Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the armed wings of ZAPU and the ANC of South Africa respectively. 93) The beginning of continuous armed struggle by ZANLA began with the attack on Altena Farm in December 1972. These points need to be made due to the misinformation coming from ZANU sources maintaining that “Nkomo did not want armed struggle” when in fact it started under his leadership.

94) From 1964 to 1974, a number of members of the top leadership of both ZAPU and ZANU wereheld in the Gonakudzingwa Detention Camp including Joshua Nkomo, Josiah Chinamano (19221984) and Joseph Msika of ZAPU and Ndabaningi Sithole (1920-2000), Edgar Tekere (1937-2011) and Robert Mugabe of ZANU. Senior ZAPU leaders, and others from both organisations were also in detention or prison. As critical as we must be of later developments, we acknowledge the sacrifice and tenacity of all those leaders who endured long terms of imprisonment and often torture at the hands of the Rhodesian authorities. 95) During the 1960s, ZAPU was without question, the main liberation organisation: this was to change in stages during the 1970s. With Nkomo in detention, there was a further split within ZAPU. Personal hostility between James Chikerema and J.Z. Moyo led to Chikerema breaking away and forming the Front for the Liberation of Zimbabwe (FROLIZI) together with ZANU dissident, Nathan Shamuyarira (1928-2014). Later, FROLIZI was to merge into ZANU. 96) The serious consequence of the new split was that it gave justification to the anti-Nkomo, antiZAPU and anti-Soviet President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania (1922-1999; PM, Tanganyika 19611962; President Tanganyika 1963-1964; President Tanzania 1964-1985) to pressurise FRELIMO leader, Samora Machel (1933-1986; Pressident, Mozambique 1975-1986) to give military bases in the liberated area of Tete Province in Mozambique to ZANLA instead of ZIPRA. Once Mozambique became independent in 1975, the whole border area, the longest border that Zimbabwe has with any other country and a border of mountains and forests, became open to ZANLA guerrillas. Despite the political weaknesses of ZANU, these conditions were used intelligently by ZANLA. 97) In March 1975, senior ZANU leader Herbert Chitepo (1923-1975) was killed in a car bomb in Lusaka put there by Rhodesian agents. By that time, ZANU President, Ndabaningi Sithole was losing popularity. The compromise candidate among the ZANU factions and backed by ZANLA for the position of party leader and president was Robert Mugabe who had been released from detention in 1974 together with other leaders. Once in that position, he ruled his party with an iron grip, step by step exerting his personal ascendancy over the factions. 98) As the 1970s progressed the armed guerrilla struggle by both ZANLA and ZIPRA intensified. The threat of a full-scale invasion by the heavily armed ZIPRA army in Zambia prompted Zambian President, Kenneth Kaunda (born 1924; PM Northern Rhodesia 1962-1964; President, Zambia 19641991), concerned about full-scale war about to be launched from his country, contacted British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher (1925-2013; PM, Britain 1979-1990)) asking her to take action; consequently, the Lancaster House Talks were called. 99) The great leader of the Zimbabwean people, Joshua Nkomo, wishing to avoid total war and bloodshed, and knowing that ZAPU, unlike ZANU, had structures in every corner of the country, agreed, putting to one side the advice of his ZIPRA commanders and Soviet advisers. It was the greatest error of his political career.

1980 Election

100) The results of the 1980 election were not believable by those who knew the real conditions on the ground. Areas of the country where ZANU was hardly known, apparently voted ZANU including areas which had been under ZIPRA control. The British army ran the elections, not allowing anyone to observe the count or question the figures. The official results suspiciously showed voting to be ‘tribal’ with Matabeleland and Ndebele-speaking parts of Midlands being the only parts of the country to vote ZAPU ― according to the British authorities, ZANU received 63% of the vote and ZAPU 24% with the rest going to minor parties. 101) What was behind this result was exposed by US diplomat Andrew Young (b.1932), former US Ambassador to the United Nations and a supporter of ZANU in an essay called The United States and Africa: Victory for Diplomacy (1980):

“Despite widespread doubts outside Zimbabwe about the strength of Mugabe’s political

constituency, he had achieved a solid electoral victory over both Bishop Abel Muzorewa, on whom both Britain and South Africa had placed their hopes, and Joshua Nkomo, who enjoyed military support from the Soviet bloc. The unexpected size of his majority gave Mugabe an unequivocal mandate which greatly simplified the task of the British in handing over power. “The Zimbabwe settlement must also be recorded as a victory of the Western alliance in cooperation with the Organization of African Unity (OAU). It signalled a renewal of the cooperation in de-colonization which came under Western leadership and via the United Nations during the 1950s and 1960s. And it curtailed at least temporarily the trend toward growing dependence on Soviet military aid to bring about African liberation.”

First Years of Independence

102) In 1965, the Rhodesian minority, unwilling to grant the vote to the black majority as demanded by the British government, made their “Unilateral Declaration of Independence” (UDI), and following the imposition of economic sanctions by Britain, began to build economic autonomy. True, a lot of sanctions-busting took place, but the most important component in the battle to build the economy under sanctions was state planning and control. By the time of the Independence of Zimbabwe in 1980, the economy was very strong. The Rhodesian dollar (and subsequently the Zimbabwe dollar) was valued higher than the British pound. But there was a problem in that a great deal of the African population expected to quickly achieve the living standards enjoyed by the small white minority. 103) It should be noted here that 1980, the year of Zimbabwe’s Independence also marked the beginning of the world-wide implementation of the neo-liberal agenda, of privatisation and removal of controls from the banking system; this took off when Margaret Thatcher became British Prime Minister in 1979 and Ronald Reagan (1911-1994) became US President in 1981(until 1989). This trend was further deepened by the computer revolution which facilitated the movement of money around the world and created the conditions whereby money was used to make more money rapidly and with only a loose relationship to actual production. This trend has led internationally to a few people becoming very rich in the midst of an increasing number of predatory wars started by the United States and its allies and an increase in world poverty and human trafficking. 104) Following Zimbabwean Independence, the internalised economic system established by the Rhodesians remained in place. During the 1980s there was a modest increase in real wages and the living standards of the African majority. There was some new import substitution, but otherwise there was little innovation or infrastructural planning.

Gukurahundi

105) British imperialism has a long history of divide and rule. In Nigeria between Ibos and other Nigerians; in Cyprus between Greeks and Turks; in Guyana between Indo-Guyanese and AfroGuyanese; in Sri Lanka between Tamils and Sinhalese; in India between Hindus and Muslims; in Ireland between Protestants and Catholics; in Zimbabwe between Shonas and Ndebeles. 106) ZAPU became a junior partner in the new government in 1980 with a number of its leaders becoming ministers including Joshua Nkomo as Minister of Home Affairs. But on 6th February 1982, Emmerson Mnangagwa (b. 1942; President of Zimbabwe from 2017), then Minister of State Security, announced that arms caches had been uncovered on ZAPU properties and that ZAPU was intending to create an uprising against the government.

107) The truth was that by the end of the war, no-one was in a hurry to give up their arms and there were already negotiations for this problem to be resolved. Further, a high proportion of those arms were scheduled to be sent to South Africa for the use of Umkhonto we Sizwe the close comrades-inarms of ZIPRA; in fact, there was little distinction between ZIPRA and MK when it came to arms supply from the Soviet Union. ZIPRA Commander Lookout Masuku and Intelligence Chief Dumiso Dabengwa were then arrested and imprisoned, even after being found “Not Guilty” in a court of law. Masuku died in prison in 1986. 108) A small number of former ZANLA and ZIPRA combatants remained in the bush after the end of the war living a bandit existence. These dissidents, then, had become a problem in different parts of the country; in Matabeleland, despite the efforts of the ZAPU leadership to persuade them to lay down their arms, they furnished the ZANU(PF) leadership with an excuse for the suppression of ZAPU. 109) Another force was set up by South African intelligence called “Super ZAPU”, it was formed mainly from former members of the Rhodesian African Rifles (RAR). Super ZAPU was used as a disinformation tool to persuade the world that ZAPU was working with the apartheid government of South Africa to bring down the ZANU(PF) government. 110) The reality was the opposite: the Zimbabwe government was anxious to make a deal with apartheid South Africa and therefore was intent on preventing MK, with assistance from ZAPU and ZIPRA, from using Zimbabwe as a rear base. 111) Released papers of the South African Department of Foreign Affairs show that bi-annual meetings between the intelligence staff of the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) and the South African Defence Force (SADF) were held in 1982 and 1983 and began one month after the deployment of the Fifth Brigade in Matabeleland North. It is certain that informal meetings had taken place long before the formal meetings. 112) SADF records show that the joint intelligence leaders talked about the “role of communist powers in Southern Africa” and the “security situation in Angola, Mozambique, Botswana, and Zimbabwe.” The discussion noted that “Botswana is falling heavily under the influence of the USSR and accommodating ZIPRA, ANC and SWAPO is cause for common concern” and that “Zimbabwe does not consider political support of the ANC in the same category as military support. For this reason, they provide office facilities to the ANC in Harare but do not allow them to infiltrate over the RSA/Zimbabwe border.” The Zimbabwean’s reply was that “such a committee is not deemed necessary as no conflict existed between the two countries.” 113) During the same period, Robert Mugabe stated clearly in a BBC interview (available on video) that “Zimbabwe is not a Frontline State.” 114) Between 1983 and 1987, the Zimbabwe government unleashed “Operation Gukurahundi”, a coordinated bestial terror campaign aimed at those supporting ZAPU, especially, but not exclusively, those of the Ndebele ethnic group. The number of those killed during this period is normally estimated at 20,000 people. Many, many more were raped and tortured. Most of the atrocities were carried out among the poor villagers of Matabeleland North, Matabeleland South and Ndebele-speaking areas of Midlands Province. Significant numbers of killings also took place in Mashonaland West, Manicaland and Masvingo Provinces. The whole extent of this exercise has never been properly evaluated. The Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) in a report made in 1997 from a detailed study on just two Districts reported a confirmed total of 7,000 deaths in those Districts alone.

115) The 5th Brigade was trained as a political army by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in 1981. This fact has been used to maintain that somehow Gukurahundi was a result of communist influence. Research has shown that the brutalities carried out were not taught to the 5th Brigade by the DPRK army; in fact, the British army was training the Zimbabwe National Army during the time of the atrocities and made strenuous efforts to ensure that details of what was happening did not reach the press. Later the DPRK became a scapegoat for the repressions which were carried out for reasons which were, in purpose, anti-communist. 116) Testimony from former ZIPRA members tortured during Gukurahundi reveals that some were interrogated specifically to discover the location of MK members and safe-houses. 117) Gukurahundi finally came to an end in December 1987 when Joshua Nkomo and other senior ZAPU leaders signed the Unity Accord agreeing to the absorption of ZAPU into ZANU(PF). This was largely facilitated by the intervention of President Canaan Banana (1935-2003; President, Zimbabwe 1980-1987) ― at that time real power was in the hands of Prime Minister Robert Mugabe, the position of President being largely ceremonial. In 1997 Canaan Banana was arrested and imprisoned for his homosexuality; the hand of the vindictive and homophobic Mugabe being obvious. 118) Gukurahundi has created a long-lasting problem in that it has divided the nation on ethnic lines. The normally accepted narrative has portrayed it as “Shonas against Ndebeles”, thus perpetuating ethnic division. The fact that Shona-speakers on the eastern border loyal to ZAPU were killed or brutalised in 1980 by sections of ZANLA, and that other Shona-speakers in areas mentioned above were killed during Gukurahundi, is omitted and not generally known. Again, not all Zimbabweans can be categorised as either ‘Shona’ or Ndebele’.

1987-1988 Mugabe Consolidates his Power

119) The Unity Accord was ratified by a Special Congress of ZAPU in 1988 and the process completed in 1989. 120) The personal power of Robert Mugabe was further consolidated on 30th December 1987 when the posts of ceremonial President held by Canaan Banana and Prime Minister, held by Mugabe, were abolished and Robert Mugabe became Executive President. 121) The “Willowgate Scandal” of 1988 and 1989 further strengthened Robert Mugabe’s personal power within his own party. New cars were in short supply in Zimbabwe and were mainly obtained through Willowvale Motor Industries which assembled foreign made cars. Ministers, who had easy access, bought cars at a controlled price and sold them at a large profit, mainly to white business people. Senior ZANU(PF) figures, Maurice Nyagumbo (who committed suicide), Dzingai Mutumbuka and Enos Nkala were forced out of office. A number of others were implicated but retained their positions. Expansion of Social Programmes During the 1980s 122) During the 1980s there was a significant increase in money spent on education and health. Much of the money used for social purposes came in the form of loans and grants by the British and other western governments as a reward for the political stance taken by ZANU(PF) towards the ANC of South Africa and the Soviet Union. 123) During the 1980s, the health service was to become one of the best in Africa. Clinics were built in many parts of the country. A simple invention which improved rural health immensely was the invention of the Blair toilet, an improved pit latrine with very little smell, and attracting very few flies invented by the Blair Research Institute. The Zimbabwe Traditional Healers’ Association (ZINATHA) sought to regulate traditional medicine and link it to conventional medicine.

124) Robert Mugabe was a teacher by profession. If he can be justly praised for anything, it is the genuinely huge improvement in education from the time of Independence in 1980 when primary and secondary education was declared free and compulsory. 125) Before Independence missionary schools provided education for the indigenous population and focused on agricultural and industrial skills including carpentry and building, but there was limited access to quality education which kept Africans subordinate. Under the Rhodesian government the small European minority received around 90% of government spending on education. In the 1970s, just before Independence, only 43.5% of African children attended school, with only 3.9% enrolled in secondary school. 126) Dzingai Mutumbuka (b.1945) became Minister of Education in Mugabe’s first government. During his tenure of office education advanced rapidly. Government allocated 17.3% of the total national budget toward education. Within one year, the education system nearly doubled the number of students it served from 885,801 students to 1,310,315 students in primary and secondary education. Increases in the numbers attending school heightened the need for more infrastructure and teachers. Schools introduced ‘hot-seating’, the practice of giving classes in the morning to half of the students and in the afternoon to the other half. The Ministry of Education expanded the numbers of teachers rapidly by providing ‘on-the-spot’ teacher training. In 1986, 8,000 additional teachers were trained to meet national demands. Communities built infrastructure for education. From 1979-1984, the number of primary schools in operation increased by 73.3% and the number of secondary schools increased by 537.8%. By the 1990s, primary schooling was nearly universal and over half the population had completed secondary education.

Economic Structural Adjustment Programme

127) The western-trained economist Bernard Chidzero (1927-2002) was appointed Minister of Economic Planning and Development in 1980 and in 1985 became Minister of Finance. While Chidzero was an efficient accountant and administrator of state funds, he was ideologically a neoliberal and the architect of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) which was to destroy the strong but largely internalised economy of Zimbabwe. 128) Apart from the personal intervention of Chidzero, there were other factors which pushed Zimbabwe into ESAP. Money had been borrowed for social development without a corresponding increase in production and debts had to be repaid. Governments (not only the Zimbabwe government) were told that rapid development would come through “Free Market Reform”. There was also a massive population increase during the 1980s which put pressure on the education system. This coincided with the growing counter-revolution in eastern Europe which was used in a number of countries to advance structural adjustment programmes which benefitted few but the major bankers. At that time too, the political leadership of ZANU(PF) was observing the leadership code while the white minority continued to reap the biggest economic benefits. 129) The Unity Accord had confirmed that the ideology of the united ZANU(PF) would be MarxismLeninism. But as soon as ESAP was adopted, Marxism-Leninism, which could have guided the economic policy direction of the government, was dropped. There was very little outcry. MarxismLeninism had never been properly understood except by a small number of intellectuals, it was thought of mainly as a tool in winning power, not of development. After Independence we cannot find records of political education in either ZANU or ZAPU. In practice, Marxism-Leninism had been dropped as soon as the armed struggle was over. 130) In the 1980s, Zimbabwe had been a star performer in Africa in the provision of social services and in the reconstruction and development of its public infrastructure. Average life expectancy was on the rise; childhood mortality was down, and other measuring sticks such as the literacy rate and the technical skills capacity were encouraging.

131) Zimbabwe’s structural adjustment programme contained the usual collection of Bank-inspired ‘reforms’ ― trade and currency de-regulation, devaluation of the Zimbabwe dollar, movement towards high real interest rates, the lifting of price controls, chopping of “social spending” and removal of consumer subsidies. All were standard ingredients of ‘liberalisation’, as was the increasing emphasis on reduction of the government deficit, civil service reform and shedding of public enterprises. 132) There were a string of large loans and credit facilities from the Bank, the IMF and international donors, aimed at supporting the country’s balance of payments and government’s plans for substantial private sector infrastructural development. At the outset, it was estimated that roughly US$3 billion over five years would be needed from overseas donors to make the ‘reforms’ work. Zimbabwe would spend its way into the free market on borrowed money. Government and its bankers said the new investment would be focused on modernising the manufacturing sector which would enable the country to compete in international markets and earn the hard currency needed to pay back ESAP’s underpinning foreign loans. An optimistic target of 5% annual growth in GDP was set by the World Bank and the government. 133) Government fiscal restraint involving reduction in services, divestment of public corporations and layoffs in the government sector, were aimed at reducing the state’s deficit from the usual 10% to 5% or less. The government admitted this risked higher unemployment and higher consumer prices in “the short term”. but Zimbabweans were promised a rising real standard of living, long-term employment expansion and a modern, growing, internationally-competitive economy. 134) What actually occurred was de-industrialisation, immediately and obviously in cotton textiles and clothing. The severe drought of the early 1990s made conditions worse. In 1992, after two consecutive poor rainy seasons, the economy contracted by at least 7.5%, with all sectors in Zimbabwe’s agriculture-based productive sector affected. At the same time, price control relaxation saw inflation explode and consumer demand shrink, by as much as 30%. 135) There was a sharp decline in average real wages. By the mid-1990s, average real earnings fell to the lowest levels since the early 1970s. ESAP was quickly bringing much of the Zimbabwean working-class to the brink of destitution. In the rural areas, the majority of the population was often forced to depend on government food aid. By the end of the drought in November 1992, more than half the population of the country was receiving some form of drought relief assistance from government. 136) The return of rains in 1993 did not improve the situation substantially, making it clear that the ESAP ‘reforms’ themselves were the leading factor in undermining ordinary people’s living standards. Loan agreements emanating from ESAP stretched the country’s foreign and domestic debt to unmanageable proportions. 137) ESAP’s deficit-cutting fetish has led to the state’s slashing of real per-capita social spending throughout the 1990s, and the marked undermining of local industry by government’s greater role in one part of the private sector ― financial markets. Forced to borrow heavily from local markets to finance reforms and service the deficit, government ended up distorting financial flows. Heavy public sector demand crowded-out private sector borrowing, and kept real interest rates punishingly high. 138) Demand for imported goods among the middle strata of society saw shops, particularly in Harare, filled with unnecessary luxury items. As imports were overtaking exports, the value of the ZimDollar rapidly declined on the money market. And as the appetite for imported goods grew from the better-off, the rate on inflation increased rapidly.

139) It was during the ESAP period that the “shiny disease” emerged in full force. The shiny disease is the idea that we must have the latest shiny technology, whether or not it is appropriate for our specific needs. Thus, for example, the tendency is for emergent business people to buy the latest Mercedes Benz rather than a 4x4 bakkie even if their home is in a rural area without proper roads. The shiny disease first emerged obviously in the late 1980s when the National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ) decided to exchange steam locomotives, made in Zimbabwe and burning coal mined in Zimbabwe, with diesel locomotives made in Canada and running on expensive imported diesel simply because it seemed more ‘modern’. 140) The basic reason for all the inflation was the utter failure to understand what an economy is really about and to swallow whole the ideology of neo-liberalism and its practical expression, monetarism The slogan put forward by Kingdom Securities in the 1990s in a television advert broadcast daily, “Making Money Makes Sense” gripped the hearts and minds of Zimbabweans as there was a rush to make money without production. Indigenously-owned banks mushroomed ― and then collapsed ― at a time when industries, notably the textile and clothing industry, were closing. 141) It was during this period that the ZANU(PF) leadership, having abandoned completely not only Marxism-Leninism, but also the leadership code, really began to be perceived by the majority of Zimbabweans not as their leaders, but as their ‘chefs’, as a class separate from the majority of black Zimbabweans. The chefs demanded that the black working class and peasantry support them in replacing the white minority as the new oppressors. 142) By 1995, annual wage settlements had been consistently below the level of inflation and there had been a significant decline in real wages; a body of opinion within the ZCTU developed the idea of leaving their alliance with ZANU(PF) and creating a mass working-class party on the lines of the British Labour Party. The proposed new party was to be strongly opposed to ESAP and the neoliberal agenda being pushed by the USA and Britain through the IMF and World Bank.

Land Question

143) The Land Question was one of the biggest issues at Lancaster House. Talks ground to a halt at one stage. The compromise reached was that Britain and the USA would provide half of the funding to compensate white farmers, at least half of whom owned multiple farms, four being a common number, with the average commercial farm size being 1,000 hectares. A considerable proportion of this land was either under-utilised or not used at all. 144) Immediately after Independence, some land vacated by white farmers due to the war was resettled. But on the whole, the pattern of land ownership did not change. In 1992, a Land Act was passed which allowed government to forcefully take land from white farmers ― as opposed to willing buyer, willing seller ― but farmers still had to receive compensation in cash. Land acquisition advanced slowly, and, other than that resettled immediately after Independence, most of the land acquired went to the black élite rather than to the peasants. 145) In 1997, attempts to accelerate the acquisition of land from white farmers was met by stiff opposition in the courts from the Commercial Farmers’ Union (CFU). In the same year, War Veterans led by Chenjerai Hunzvi (1949-2001) demonstrated at ZANU(PF) Headquarters in Harare, taking it over and forcing government to grant them pensions. At the December 1999 ZANU(PF) Congress, there was a move to deal with the land question, the militancy of the War Veterans having sparked a movement to challenge the party élite. Kumbirai Kangai (1938-2013) was removed from his position in charge of land reform and responsibility was given to Joseph Msika.

Formation of the MDC

146) Those wanting to start a new working-class party had no funds. Worse, they had no clear ideology or political direction other than hatred for ZANU(PF) and its leader. Robert Mugabe, and, at that time, opposition to ESAP.

147) In 1998, the USA funded the invasion of the Democratic Republic of Congo by Rwanda and Uganda in response to the demands of President Laurent Kabila (1939-2001; President, DRC 19972001) that the DRC must benefit from mining operations on its territory. Kabila had re-negotiated all DRC mining contracts to that end. The reef in DRC is a source of rare minerals used by the USA in its arms and aviation industries as well as coltan used in cellphones. Bill Clinton (b. 1946; President, USA 1993-2001) made deals with Paul Kagame (b.1957, President, Rwanda from 2000) of Rwanda and Yoweri Museveni (b. 1944; President, Uganda from 1986) to fund and direct the invasion. A US base was established in Uganda, the largest in Africa, which later became part of the US Africa Command (Africom) programme started by his successor, George W. Bush (b.1946: President USA 2001-2009) and considerably expanded by President Barack Obama (b.1961; President, USA 20092017). 148) Under President Laurent Kabila, the DRC had become a member of SADC and there was a commitment by SADC to defend the DRC. South Africa renéged on the issue leaving Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia to fight. Until that time, Mugabe had been the darling of the West, even receiving an honorary knighthood from the United Kingdom The sending of troops to defend the DRC enraged the United States. They gave instructions to their satellite, Britain, to deal with Zimbabwe, a country in “their sphere of interest”. 149) A meeting of various anti-government forces was called by a British Embassy official near the end of 2008, most prominently the ZCTU and the white farmers and other former Rhodesian Front supporters. They were promised money if they joined together to form a new party. The next year the Movement for Democratic Change was born. 150) In 1999, the IMF and World Bank withdrew funding from Zimbabwe specifically for defending the DRC. Notably, they continued to fund the aggressor nations, Rwanda and Uganda. This marked the turning point in the relations between Zimbabwe and the West. “Through economic mismanagement, undemocratic practices, and the costly deployment of troops to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Government of Zimbabwe has rendered itself ineligible to participate in International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and International Monetary Fund programs, which would otherwise be providing substantial resources to assist in the recovery and modernization of Zimbabwe’s economy.” Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act Sec.4(a)(1) (ZIDERA) (2001) 151) The arrogant US Congress passed the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act ZIDERA) in 2001 making sanctions an official part of US policy. The withdrawal of foreign funding, after Zimbabwe had agreed to the ESAP programme was very damaging to the economy. “…the Secretary of the Treasury shall instruct the United States executive director to each international financial institution to oppose and vote against— “(1) any extension by the respective institution of any loan, credit, or guarantee to the Government of Zimbabwe; or “(2) any cancellation or reduction of indebtedness owed by the Government of Zimbabwe to the United States or any international financial institution.” Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act Sec.4(c) (ZIDERA) (2001) However, other countries, including of course, Rhodesia, managed to adapt under sanctions through economic planning.

The Draft Constitution of 2000

152) It had become clear that the repeatedly amended Lancaster House Constitution needed replacing. In 1997, people opposed to the ZANU(PF) government began to form the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) which was officially launched in 1998. To their surprise, in May 1999, President Mugabe announced the formation of the Constitutional Convention to deal with the issue. Shortly after, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was formed. The extraordinary thing was that, the NCA and MDC immediately began to oppose the involvement of the ruling party in drawing up the new national Constitution. 153) The drafting of the Constitution was carried out by Edson Zvobgo (1935-2004), a long-time opponent of Robert Mugabe within ZANU(PF), The Draft Constitution included a paragraph allowing for land redistribution without compensation of white farmers. But it also divided power between a directly elected President and a Prime Minister appointed by Parliament, similar to the French system and limited the numbers of terms of office to be served by the President to two. 154) Robert Mugabe was scheduled to complete his term of office in 2002. Had the Draft Constitution been voted in, Mugabe should have stood down at the end of his term of office. He may have argued to stay for two terms of office under the new Constitution, but that could have been fought. 155) When the campaigning for or against the Draft Constitution began, ZANU(PF) decided not to take any official position, whereas the MDC campaigned against it, falsely claiming that a ‘No’ vote would hasten the removal of Mugabe. Those who campaigned for it, were opponents of Mugabe within ZANU(PF), these included the Zvobgo faction, the Mujuru faction and former ZAPU within ZANU(PF). Emmerson Mnangagwa told his followers to vote against the Draft Constitution. Mugabe himself kept quiet, but there is good reason to believe that he was opposed to it. 156) The Draft Constitution of 2000 was rejected by a fairly close vote of around 100,000 votes nationally. After 2 months, War Veterans angry at having waited for the land for which they had fought for 20 years and led by their President, Chenjerai Hunzvi, began to occupy white-owned farms on the basis of “One Man – One Farm”, later modified to “One Family – One Farm”. At that time, many white farmers owned multiple farms, commonly 4, with the average farm size being around 1000 hectares. At the beginning of the period of farm occupations, the War Veterans did not try to remove the white farmers. They sought to share the land and said so. During this period, civilians, especially youth taking part in land occupations were led by ZANU(PF) Secretary for the Commissariat and Minister for Youth, Border Gezi (1964-2001). 157) When the land occupations began, government was in confusion. Previously they had not only prevented the people from occupying land on a number of occasions, but they had also allocated most of the land purchased for resettlement to themselves. Some of the land occupied by War Veterans in 2000 was land which had been allocated to Ministers. This is frequently forgotten. 158) In the middle of 2001, Gezi and Hunzvi both died within 6 weeks of each other. Border Gezi died in a car accident on 28th April and Chenjerai Hunzvi died on 4th June, officially of cerebral malaria. The circumstances of two important radical leaders dying within such a short time frame is most definitely suspicious, although there is no proof of foul play. What is definite, is that after their deaths, the parasitic bourgeoisie within ZANU(PF) led by Robert Mugabe, began to reclaim its dominant position. 159) From this time on, instead of War Veterans demanding to share the land, the élite would wait for an important crop ― typically paprika ― to ripen, then post a notice giving the farmer 30 day to leave. Literally, they reaped where they did not sow.

160) Although more than 200,000 peasant families have, without doubt, benefitted from land reform, the élite has benefitted more. Multiple farm ownership has now become their prerogative. Some senior government ministers who do not live on the land are known to have as many as 12 farms. 161) Land reform did nothing for the agricultural workers on the commercial farms. More than half of them were of Malawian or Mozambican origin, though the majority were actually born in Zimbabwe. They were mostly told “You are not Zimbabweans.” As a result, very few of these skilled and experienced farm workers received land; some left Zimbabwe to go to countries they had never seen. Others stayed, only move from the poor conditions of employment given to them by the racist white farmers to even worse conditions under the arrogant black élite, who often failed to pay them at all. 162) The class aspect of land redistribution in Zimbabwe compares poorly with what happened in the Soviet Union under Lenin and Stalin where the slogan was “Land to the Tillers” ― land to those who work it ― and where there was an emphasis not only on redistribution but also on production and the re-organisation of agriculture through collectivisation and mechanisation. 163) When Robert Mugabe made his famous speech in Johannesburg in 2002 in which he said “Blair, keep your England and I’ll keep my Zimbabwe” he also said that every white farmer would be allowed to keep one farm. Had Mugabe have kept his word, the British and Americans would have had a difficult time justifying sanctions among their more critical allies. Many Zimbabweans praised him for his statement, believing that, “I’ll keep my Zimbabwe.” was meant metaphorically and not literally.

Hyper-Inflation

164) Inflation during the 1980s was relatively modest, the understandable demand from the black majority to catch up with the white minority in relation to its living standards plus grants and loans used for social purposes pushed the exchange rate of the ZimDollar to the British Pound from around 1:1 in 1980 to 1:6 in 1991, the year of ESAP. 165) As mentioned earlier, the use of valuable FOREX for the importation of unnecessary luxury goods became the major cause of inflation in the 1990s, and as mentioned earlier, the idea of making money easily through ‘deals’ rather than through hard work and production, had gripped the nation. But it was from the beginning of sanctions in 1999 that inflation spiralled out of control. 166) Empowerment of “Indigenous Entrepreneurs” and even the justified redistribution of land among the peasants was not linked to production in any meaningful way. The ‘entrepreneurs’ mostly dealt in what others produced and farming was dominated by the peasant mentality of “mombes and mealies.” [cattle and maize]. 167) Instead of the re-organisation of the economy under sanctions with concentration on production as had happened in countries as varied as Cuba, Iran and of course Rhodesia, Zimbabwe, simply printed money. Under these conditions, they were able to point fingers, with a degree of justification, at the West and the MDC. This gave them cover to intensify their looting while anyone who raised any criticism of Mugabe and his entourage within ZANU(PF) was castigated for being ‘disloyal’. Likewise, anyone within the MDC or the opposition who voiced concern over sanctions was labelled “an agent of ZANU(PF)”.

The Succession Problem (Part 1)

168) The objective economic problems and ideological confusion which accompanied them were further complicated by the personal idiosyncrasies of Robert Mugabe who clearly saw himself as “President for Life”. He consistently refused to discuss the question of the succession within ZANU(PF). As mentioned already, he was obviously unhappy with the 2000 Draft Constitution and was under pressure from within ZANU(PF) to pass on the presidency to someone else.

169) The two Vice-Presidents during the 1990s, Joshua Nkomo and Simon Muzenda (1922-2003; VP, Zimbabwe 1987-2003) were both older than Mugabe. Joseph Msika who replaced Joshua Nkomo after his death in 1999 was also older. John Nkomo was likely to have been the next ZANU(PF) presidential candidate if Robert Mugabe had been forced to step down in 2002 due to the Draft Constitution coming into effect. 170) The pressure by the US/UK Axis to remove Mugabe ― and also ZANU(PF) which by then included ZAPU ― led to ZANU(PF) closing ranks in opposition to the MDC and Mugabe consolidating his power. His support of the War Veterans occupation of the land, which was not immediately forthcoming, strengthened his hand. 171) By 2002, the majority of people, especially in the rural areas, supported Land Reform leading to an electoral victory for Mugabe in 2002. But by then, the radicals, Hunzvi and Gezi, were gone and the élite began to grab the best land for themselves. 172) At the 2004 ZANU(PF) Congress, there was an attempt by the “Tsholotsho Declaration” faction to defeat Mugabe. This faction was led by Mnangagwa who had been steadily undermining the old ZAPU leadership in Matabeleland. It tended to articulate the most anti-white rhetoric and populist ideas. The Mujuru faction, led by Solomon Mujuru (aka. Rex Nhongo, 1945-2011) and Joice Mujuru (aka. Teurai Ropa, b.1955; VP, Zimbabwe 2004-2014) based in the north-east and former ZAPU within ZANU(PF) in Matabeleland, represented some form of sanity and were backed by Mugabe at Congress; Joice Mujuru was made Second Secretary of ZANU(PF) and from there, Vice-President of Zimbabwe. Many people thought that she would be the next ZANU(PF) presidential candidate. Indeed, she travelled from province to province checking on projects of which many were nonfunctional through the stealing of funds, incompetence or both. 173) The expectation then, was that Mugabe, who in 2004 had already reached the age of 80, should remain as First Secretary and therefore leader of ZANU(PF) while Joice Mujuru would become President of Zimbabwe. This was known as the “Nyerere Option” as it was the formula followed by Mugabe’s mentor, Julius Nyerere, as he became old and unable to cope with the demands of government. The Nyerere Option was discussed openly at ZANU(PF) headquarters and it is known that Robert Mugabe had a meeting with party stalwarts. Sydney Sekeremayi (b.1944) and Nathan Shamuyarira who advised him to step down as President in favour of the personable Joice Mujuru whose popularity, especially among women, was growing. He refused.

Operation Murambatsvina

174) In 2005 came Operation Murambatsvina [Shona: rejection of dirt], the destruction of the unauthorised street markets cluttering the centres of Harare and other cities followed by the destruction of backyard shacks, the homes of many of the urban poor. Without doubt, the centre of the once pristine Harare had been cluttered by the temporary structures of street traders, most of them forced into street trading by the deterioration of the economy. The operation moved into Bulawayo and other cities. In Bulawayo, well-regulated licensed street markets were also vandalised by the police. 175) Then began the most harmful part of the operation. Though shanty towns did not exist in Zimbabwe, many people lived in backyard shacks built in the yards of properly constructed houses. These the homes of the poor, were destroyed in an orgy of state organised violence on the pretext that they were making the place dirty and that “Africans could not be expected to live in such poor conditions.” A report by a UN Commission which visited Zimbabwe reckoned that 700,000 people were made homeless in the exercise carried out through the orders of President Robert Mugabe a man with many mansions. Had such an exercise been carried out by the Rhodesian government, the international outcry would have been deafening. But as it was carried out under the orders of an “African icon”, criticism was muted.

The Succession Problem (Part 2)

(176) As the economy of the country deteriorated and the ageing Mugabe refused to stand down, more of the population began to swing to the only obvious alternative, the MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai. But on the other hand, as Tsvangirai had openly campaigned for sanctions against Zimbabwe and had consistently lied that sanctions were only “targeted sanctions against individuals”, many of those that had read ZIDERA, even if frustrated by Mugabe, would not support him either. (177) By 2006, it was obvious that the majority of ZANU(PF) Provincial Executive Committees wanted Mugabe to step down in favour of Joice Mujuru, but she was intimidated by Mugabe and stood back, after which, opposition to Mugabe within ZANU(PF) gathered around the person of Simba Makoni, former Minister of Finance. Even within the ZANU(PF) Politburo, hand-picked by Mugabe rather than being appointed by the Central Committee, it was known that the majority wanted Mugabe to stand down. Information leaked out from the Politburo ― “At the next Politburo Meeting, they are going to ask the Old Man to step down.” “…at the next.” “…at the next.” Who was going to bell the cat? (178) By the end of 2007, War Veterans leader Jabulani Sibanda (b.1970) ― expelled from ZANU(PF) in 2004 ― was given a big house in Bulawayo and a 4x4 to lead the “Million Men March” in favour of Mugabe remaining as President. Elections within Provincial Executive Committees stepby-step were ‘won’ by Mugabe supporters. (179) Unlike in previous Congresses and Conferences, where there had been a degree of debate and contestation, the 2007 ZANU(PF) Conference held in December of that year, was nothing but a celebration of the cult of personality of Robert Mugabe. Early the next year, Simba Makoni (b.1950) announced in the Politburo that at the coming election, he would stand as a presidential against Mugabe. Senior opponents of Mugabe’s within the Politburo such as Vitalis Zvinavashe (1943-2009) and Solomon Mujuru kept quiet; only Dumiso Dabengwa rose in support. Makoni was to stand against Mugabe and Tsvangirai in the 2008 Presidential election winning enough votes to prevent either ZANU(PF) or MDC from gaining a majority. 180) At the run-off vote political violence forced MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai out of the country and Mugabe won by default. People in Shona-speaking rural areas which had previously voted ZANU(PF), but this time voted MDC were brutalised in an operation which became known as “MiniGukurahundi”. A group of Ndebele-speaking former ZIPRA fighters led by Jabulani Sibanda were sent to beat and kill. The deliberate ethnicisation of the 1980s was reversed. Instead of Shonas killing Ndebeles, this time Ndebeles killed Shonas, an estimated 400, with others maimed, tortured or raped. Divide and rule remained the means of domination by the parasitic bourgeoisie. 181) The violence which followed the first round of the presidential vote in the 2008 election led to Morgan Tsvangirai leaving the country in fear of his life. Makoni, who had gained more than 8% of the vote had told his supporters to vote Tsvangirai in the second round, but with Tsvangirai out of the country, Mugabe was able to claim victory, but with an MDC majority in parliament. 182) and with the assistance of a concerned Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Global Political Agreement (GPA) was forged and in February 2009, a Government of National Unity (GNU) was formed with Mugabe as President and Tsvangirai as Prime Minister. Under the GNU, the economy of Zimbabwe rapidly recovered. It was to last until 2013. In its four-year existence, the GNU facilitated improvements in the economy, health and housing. The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) recorded a 10,6% growth and inflation decreased from the 231 million recorded in 2008 to less than 5% in 2013.

183) A new Constitution was drafted and approved by over 94% of those that voted in the referendum of March 2013. Though not nearly as good as the Draft Constitution of 2000, it was a lot better than the Constitution which it replaced. Unfortunately, it has not been implemented. The right to dual citizenship is not there in reality and more importantly, unconstitutional abductions and beatings continue. Progressive forces 6 years later, continue to campaign its implementation. 184) Although the new Constitution limited the terms of office of the President to two of five years each, Mugabe and ZANU(PF) did not see this as applying retrospectively. At the age of 89, Mugabe once again became ZANU(PF) presidential candidate, making it clear that he intended to stand again in 2018!

International Issues

185) Most of the speeches and statements on international issues by Robert Mugabe, especially in his later years can hardly be faulted. These speeches made him look progressive in the eyes of many. This was very true at his last international appearance at the 72nd General Council of the United Nations in March 2017. But to mouth anti-imperialist sentiments in front of an international audience while putting what is left of the wealth of the country into private off-shore bank accounts, was not only hypocritical, it created a climate of opinion among many within the Zimbabwe believed the narrative of the imperialist axis, i.e. “USA and Britain are defenders of Human Rights.” Grace Mugabe and the G40 186) The ageing and increasingly feeble Robert Mugabe clung to the idea that he could not be replaced, regularly flying to Singapore for stem cell injections to delay the ageing process. His avaricious wife, Grace, 41 years his junior progressively controlled his actions. She was assisted in this by Robert Mugabe’s nephews Leo Mugabe and Patrick Zhuwao, both sons of his sister despite their different surnames. Together with other younger members of ZANU(PF), in particular Saviour Kasukuwere they adopted a strategy of rapid self-enrichment for themselves as a young and exclusive section of the ruling élite. Being a group of people mainly in their 40s, they called themselves “Generation 40” or G40 and espoused a lifestyle of conspicuous consumption. 187) The most damaging policy pushed by the G40 which led to the rapid deterioration of Zimbabwe industry was the Indigenous Empowerment Act of 2008. Local or foreign business owners became obliged to give 51% of their business to an ‘indigenous partner’― inevitably one of the G40 or one of their nominees. This led to a number of things happening. Often the business owners would leave the country taking as much with them as they could manage. In other cases, the new ‘partners’ would plunder the resources for immediate gain or simply asset strip often selling off machinery in South Africa. At other times the new owners would simply fail to pay workers leading to a decline or total breakdown of production. The results were devastating. 188) From 2004, Joice Mujuru had been Vice-President. But 10 years later it had become apparent ‘that Grace Mugabe had presidential aspirations and that she was able, progressively, to control her aging husband, who, for some years had managed to balance contending factions within ZANU(PF). In 2014 Grace began to accuse Vice-President Joice Mujuru of plotting to overthrow Robert Mugabe. It should be noted that Solomon Mujuru, Joice’s husband, had died in a fire in his home in 2011 after criticising Mugabe to his face. But the charge that the intimidated Joice Mujuru was engaged in a plot to overthrow Mugabe was obviously false. 189) In September 2014, Grace Mugabe, without any first degree, was awarded a PhD in Sociology at the University of Zimbabwe after less than two months study and without any thesis being stored in the University archives. [The degree has since been annulled.]

Removal of Joice Mujuru

190) In December 2014, at the ZANU(PF) Congress, Joice Mujuru was humiliated, and Grace Mugabe was elevated to be Secretary (leader) of the ZANU(PF) Women’s League. Immediately after the Congress, Mujuru was removed from her place as Vice-President and expelled from ZANU(PF) and in April 2015. Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa was appointed Vice-President in her place. 191) It should here be noted for the sake of historical accuracy, that weak and ineffective Phelekezela Mphoko (b.1940 VP, Zimbabwe 2014-2017) took over the second vice-presidential post after the death of John Nkomo (1934-2014; VP, Zimbabwe 2009-2014). John Nkomo had succeeded Joseph Msika following his death in 2009.

Removal of Emmerson Mnangagwa

192) Having successfully rid herself of Joice Mujuru, Grace set her sights against Emmerson Mnangagwa and his Lacoste faction, so called because of the Lacoste crocodile logo, referring to Mnangagwa’s nickname of ‘ngwena’ or crocodile. But in that major organ of state power, the army, after the death of Solomon Mujuru, the influence of Emmerson Mnangagwa became paramount (although, as we have observed, in this degenerate looters’ state, army leaders have developed interests separate from those of any civilian politician). 193) In a television interview during a visit to China in July 2015, Mnangagwa admitted that Zimbabwe had fallen behind in development and needed reform. Robert Mugabe took this as a personal criticism. As Vice-President, Mnangagwa took various initiatives, such as “Command Agriculture” to better plan maize and general food production. He also made a number of initiatives to improve trade. Mnangagwa’s relative success angered Grace Mugabe who began to openly attack him at rallies. In August 2017 Mnangagwa fell sick after eating ice-cream at a rally which included both Robert and Grace Mugabe. Doctors in South Africa confirmed that he had been deliberately poisoned. 194) After Mnangagwa recovered, official statements maintained that the poisoning was untrue, but when he insisted that he had been deliberately poisoned, he was removed from his post of VicePresident on 6th November 2017. On 8th November 2017, Emmerson Mnangagwa fled across the border with Mozambique aware that he was liable to be assassinated.

The Coup of November 2017

195) On 14th November 2017, the army took to the streets of Harare supported by the overwhelming majority of the Zimbabwean people. It was called “Operation Restore Legitimacy.” Mugabe was given up until 20th November to resign as President or face impeachment. He resigned on 19th November 2017 and Grace Mugabe and 20 other senior G40 faction members were expelled from ZANU(PF) on the same day. The political career of Robert Mugabe was over. 196) When the coup on November 2017 took place, it was obvious that on the one hand, major factions within ZANU(PF) had been alienated. Those were principally the Mujuru faction, the Mnangagwa faction and the War Veterans. Talks had been held with senior politicians, both those who had previously been part of ZANU(PF), notably Joice Mujuru and Dumiso Dabengwa and Simba Makoni as well as Nelson Chamisa, Tendai Biti and Welshman Ncube from the MDC factions. Externally talks had been held with both Britain and China and the British Minister of State for Africa appeared early in the proceedings. 197) The action of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) came as no surprise, and was at first referred to as “politico-military action” rather than a coup. Certainly, it was not a coup against a democratic government in any normal sense, but while some were filled with euphoria, and a few were instantly antagonistic, the Zimbabwe Communist Party armed with a deep understanding of the recent history of Zimbabwe took a principled position in this time of uncertainty.

198) This is the statement made by the ZCP on the 15th November 2017, the day after the tanks had first appeared on the streets of Harare: “The politico-military action taken by the Zimbabwe National Army is the result of the chaotic state of Zimbabwe as a whole and the ruling party, ZANU(PF), in particular. The extravagant lifestyles of the ruling élite contrast sharply with the extreme poverty of the majority of the Zimbabwean people. Factories are closed and there is more than 90% unemployment in the formal sector. Both ZANU(PF) and the opposition are characterised by personality politics. It is with the conditions of breakdown in the country as a whole and within the ruling party that the politico-military action has taken place. “In a constitutional democracy transfer of power should be exercised through peaceful, constitutional means and conditions must be provided for this to take place. It must be possible for the people to express their views without fear of violence and intimidation. For the past 37 years this has never been the case in Zimbabwe. An undemocratic political system has been accompanied by massive looting by the political élite, and consequent economic degeneration. “Military action in normal circumstances cannot be condoned, but the concentration of power into fewer and fewer hands, and the closing of all normal avenues of popular control or dissent has in this case led to military action which has been welcomed by the majority of Zimbabweans with varying degrees of enthusiasm. “The Zimbabwe Communist Party calls for a transitional arrangement to be put in place to guide the country towards a peaceful, free and fair election within a reasonable time frame. The attitude of the ZCP towards all developments in Zimbabwe depends on the following: “1) The interests of the working class, the peasants and the poor. “2) The rebuilding of the shattered Zimbabwean economy on the basis of production and national economic autonomy. “3) The implementation of the Constitution of the Republic of Zimbabwe voted for by the overwhelming majority of Zimbabweans in 2013. The ZCP is consulting with Zimbabweans both individually or through their respective organisations over present developments. Once a new government is in place, the ZCP is willing to conduct talks with it and to examine areas of mutual concern and possible agreement in order to take our country forward, “Forward with Zimbabwe !! “Forward to Socialism !!”

Since the November 2017 Coup

199) The selfish and unpatriotic behaviour of the leadership of ZANU(PF), MDC and the Zimbabwe National Army was to reveal itself over the period from the coup until now. The national interest was abandoned in favour of individual self-enrichment and self-aggrandisement. 200) Soon after the coup, senior ZANU(PF) members Obert Mpofu and Patrick Chinamasa made it very clear that they were not interested in re-establishing a Government of National Unity despite the success of the GNU between 2009 and 2013 in reviving the economy. The Army too, wanted to make sure that it had a share in the power and former Army Commander Constantino Chiwenga became Vice-President together with the congenial but ineffective Kembo Mohadi who was given the position of Second Vice-President in conformity with the Unity Accord of 1987.

201) Had there been a Government of National Unity, the necessity of a General Election at a time of acute national economic crisis could have been postponed with the good will of the majority of the nation. The coup and the presidency of E.D. Mnangagwa would have obtained authenticity and credibility nationally and internationally with only a small, rigidly legalistic minority insisting on a General Election in 2018 as provided for in the Constitution. It would have been possible to reestablish the economy of Zimbabwe during the ensuing period. 202) The political bankruptcy and grovelling subservience of the MDC to the interests of US imperialism was graphically displayed, when, failing to obtain a place in government, the entire senior MDC leadership went to President Donald Trump in Washington to complain. A party which has often justifiably complained of the brutality and terror used against its members then went to ask assistance from the centre of world terrorism. After the visit, MDC leader Nelson Chamisa addressed a rally where he asserted that Donald Trump had promised US$15 billion for economic reconstruction if the MDC became the ruling party in Zimbabwe ― a claim later proven to have been false. 203) In 2018 prior to the elections, MDC leader Nelson Chamisa went for a ‘holiday’ in Zionist Israel, a settler state responsible for the continuing violent removal of the Palestinian people from their land, and for daily violence far in excess of that used by the ZANU(PF) government against the people of Zimbabwe. We should note here the involvement of the Israelis in the murky dealings around Marange diamonds; also, the fact that NIKUV, which produced a spectacular pro-ZANU(PF) vote in 2013 is the commercial branch of the notorious Israeli spy organisation, MOSSAD. 204) President E.D. Mnangagwa won the 2018 General Election with a small but comfortable majority over his MDC rivals. Whether or not there was cheating at the polls is difficult to prove or disprove. The MDC was divided between the MDC Alliance and MDC-T; there has long been a tendency for the urban centres to vote MDC while the rural areas vote ZANU(PF); and at that stage many people felt that Mnangagwa should be given a chance to see how well he could do. If indeed MDC did receive the real majority, it was by a small margin. 205) The move by Nelson Chamisa to declare himself the “People’s President” rather than to push for an inclusive government only deepened the divisions within Zimbabwe. Immediately after the elections and indeed even before the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) had completed compiling the results, MDC recklessly called its supporters out on the streets of Harare in a violent protest which was met be even greater violence by the army with the result that deaths of demonstrators occurred. 206) The ZCP made the following statement on 1st August 2018: “The Zimbabwe Communist Party condemns the actions by the Zimbabwe military in the streets of Harare this afternoon. “We call on the political leaders to be responsible and desist from abusing young people. Political leaders should not incite young people to cause mayhem. The call for young people to take to the streets is reckless to say the least. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission has a mandate to deliver election results as per its constitutional mandate. “The Zimbabwean state has a mandate to maintain law and order and the soldiers are not trained to perform such a task. We call on the Zimbabwe government to immediately remove all soldiers from the streets of Harare. If there are demonstrations in the city, the police must protect all citizens and property while soldiers are locked in barracks. “We call on the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to avail the remaining results to the people of Zimbabwe. As citizens, let us refrain from circulating fake news that will cause despondency in our society.”

207) Following the General Election, President Mnangagwa replaced Patrick Chinamasa as Minister of Finance with Mthuli Ncube, an academic monetarist who had failed as a banker and been in Britain where he had taught neo-liberal economics at university. His ideas were identical to those of Bernard Chidzero, Who, more than any other single person, had been responsible for ESAP and the subsequent collapse of the Zimbabwe economy. Mnangagwa believed Ncube to be an ‘expert’. Ncube’s first move was to use Zimbabwe’s sparse reserves to pay off international bankers rather than to use the money to build production. That action has brought no positive response from the international banking community whatsoever. 208) The neo-liberal text books make some kind of sense in the USA which is the centre of the world banking system and therefore a place where money is not obviously related to production. Even there that position has been slipping from its grasp since the financial crisis of 2008. In a land-locked African country like Zimbabwe the continuing adherence to a totally destructive economic paradigm because it is written in text books is testimony to the Zimbabwean propensity for passing exams and amassing academic qualifications with little insight into the concrete conditions. Both major parties and most of the smaller ones are surrounded by a belief in what has been told them in the class room and is unrelated to their actual conditions, and is centred on the belief that Foreign Direct Investment will cure all our problems. 209) In December 2019, the Amalgamated Rural Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe (ARTUZ) marched from Mutare to Harare in a “Salary Caravan”. This marked a new step in militant trade union organisation in Zimbabwe. ARTUZ is a union in which all senior members are also working teachers, but it is not a union which cares only about salaries. ARTUZ cares about the profession of teaching and the development of the rural communities in which it works. It is a model for trade unions in other trades and professions. 210) In January 2019 ARTUZ embarked on a “Salary Camp” outside the Ministry of Finance in Harare. Its approach to others working in public service, including the police, again sets an example of how a trade union with both class and national consciousness should conduct itself. 211) A little later in January, President Mnangagwa without any warning announced a massive increase in the4 price of fuel which made Zimbabwe’s fuel the most expensive in the world. The ZCTU countered by calling for a peaceful mass stayaway. 212) It has become obvious that many in the MDC see the ZCTU merely as an appendage of their confused party. As the General Secretary of the ZCP noted: “In failing to understand the class character of the trade unions in Zimbabwe, the main opposition party, the MDC, opportunistically sought to hi-jack the National Stayaway by the workers, turning it away from the bread and butter issues into a narrow, bourgeois party political question concerned with the legitimacy question arising from the July 2018 elections.” N.N. Mabhena, ‘General Secretary’s Report’, Vanguard Vol.2 Iss.7 January 2019 213) The peaceful protest turned into violent looting in which, it was reported that destruction, particularly of shops and supermarkets was organised by both MDC and ZANU(PF) groups in different parts of the country. There was a violent response by both army and police in which people were killed and women were raped by state security forces. Trade union leaders including the ZCTU leadership were abducted and beaten. 214) The embattled ZANU(PF) leadership since then has continued trying to maintain the economy by fiddling with money including reintroducing the Zimbabwe Dollar. Trying to enforce acceptance of the revived ZimDollar has driven the economy to further, rapid shrinkage.

215) ZANU(PF) has a dwindling support base well illustrated by the lack of attendance at the funeral of Robert Mugabe and more recently the lack of attendance, even with the bribery of fried chicken, at the recent “Anti-Sanctions March and Rally”. Buses sent to Mashonaland Central, historically the centre of ZANU’s most loyal support, returned with only a handful of supporters. 216) Similarly-election results this year (2019) have seen the MDC vote diminishing. 217) Bickering within the ranks of the ZANU(PF) leadership has led to the rejection of a package for the revival of the NRZ by a consortium involving Zimbabweans in the diaspora and Transnet of South Africa. Further. Chinese companies are complaining about the looting of money which they provided for projects in Zimbabwe. 218) With rain not falling until the end of 2019, famine was expected in Zimbabwe. Although rains did appear, the reliance on rainfall, always erratic but even more so in these times of global warming, and without any strong plan for water and agriculture means that unless planning is taken seriously, famine and death will occur sooner or later. 219) Because there is a lack of understanding in depth of the history of Zimbabwe, especially the recent history, this historical introduction to our programme is long but necessary. We now need to assess what our Party, the Zimbabwe Communist Party must do towards Completing the Liberation of Zimbabwe.

Formation of the Zimbabwe Communist Party

220) The Zimbabwe Communist Party was formed on the 28th April 2017 at its Founding Conference held at a secret location outside Bulawayo. Three pre-Party formations were involved: the Zimbabwe Communist League, led by Comrade Ian Beddowes, was composed almost exclusively from members from the revived ZAPU; the Zimbabwe Communist Group, led by Comrade Ngqabutho Nicholas Mabhena was composed mainly of people with an MDC background; both the League and the Group drew most of their membership from Bulawayo and the Zimbabwean diaspora in Johannesburg; the third formation was the Northern Communists led by Comrade Gift Mtisi, composed mainly of former members of the International Socialist Organisation (ISO) who had broken with Trotskyism, based in Harare, Chitungwiza and Mutare. 221) A 20-member National Steering Committee (NSC) was formed with Comrade N.N. Mabhena as General Secretary, Comrade Gift Mtisi as Deputy General Secretary and Comrade Ian Beddowes as National Political Commissar. Other important positions went to ZIPRA veteran Comrade Abednicco Sikhuni as National Chairperson, Comrade Trust Mkwananzi as National Organiser [a former full-time organiser for Dumiso Dabengwa during the time he was in ZANU(PF)] and trade unionist Fabian Nkomo as Treasurer General. Here we dip the Red Flag to the memory of Comrade Gift Mtisi our first Deputy General Secretary who passed away on 31st October 2017. He will forever be remembered as a founder of our Party. 222) The Founding Conference adopted a Party Constitution and the Zimbabwe Communist Party Political Economy Document as the foundation-stone of Party policy. By emphasising the centrality of class-based, production-oriented economic policy above all else, the ZCP, despite its small size has risen head and shoulders above all other political organisations in its analysis and understanding of the problems of Zimbabwe since its formation. 223) The ZCP has a solution to the crisis in Zimbabwe. We cannot hope that China, the West or any other country or institution outside our borders can bail out Zimbabwe while Zimbabweans stand with their arms folded.

We have to rebuild our economy based on the principles of National Planning and Production. The

National Plan must involve the whole population and the whole population must benefit. There must be a Development Plan in every District and in every town. There must be a Development Plan in every Province agreed by the people and linked to the National Plan This is what we mean by Devolution of Power. Devolution must also involve the huge Zimbabwean Diaspora. Tribalism and racialism are the enemies of nation building. Our new Zimbabwe must be based on national consciousness linked to hard work. The process must be led by the working people, the working class, the peasants and small independent producers., 224) Socialism cannot be built overnight. The building of a National Democratic Economy is the first step towards a socialist Zimbabwe. The building of a National Democratic Economy is the necessary intermediate stage between that of social production but private ownership (capitalism) and the social ownership of the means of production and social stability (socialism). 225) In 2009, the South African government produced a Green Paper on the question of National Planning; unfortunately, since then, most of the concepts advanced in that Green Paper have been severely undermined by predatory class interests when it comes to implementation. Nevertheless, it gives a clear idea of what has been happening internationally and is worth quoting from and an indication of the way forward: a) “The collapse of the Soviet bloc in the 80s, coupled with the mixed success of the newly independent post-colonial states saw a decline of interest in and the prestige of development planning processes. This coincided with the dominance of what became known as the Washington Consensus, a conservative approach to economic management with a limited role for the State. b) “Paradoxically, during this period, growing attention was being paid to long term strategic planning in capitalist firms. They had also discovered that, in complex organizations, it was impossible to make meaningful use of large volumes of detailed information in conditions of substantial external uncertainty, which became evident at time scales longer than a few years. c) “However, shareholders and managers still needed to guide the evolution of their organizations. As a consequence, while formerly centrally planned nations were abandoning structured, planned state intervention, large firms, which were not subject to the same ideological constraints, continued to plan but developed new methodologies that were more appropriate to the complex and uncertain environments in which they operated. d) “The success, in particular, of the East Asian countries which experienced explosive and sustained growth highlights the importance of focusing not only on the form of institutions and the capacity of the state, but also on mobilization of the public service and all of society behind a long-term vision. e) “Strategic long-term planning and the institutions underpinning it should be rooted in the traditions of each society and aimed at its socio-economic imperatives. f) “Clear justification and motivation existed as to why the societies of East Asia embraced certain policies and it was the underlying political and social processes that determined the form and quality of the institutions to drive growth and development. Japan felt that the only way it could be an important global player was by becoming an industrial power house. In Malaysia, inter-racial tensions, which reached their highest point in the 1960s, propelled the country to consider national strategic planning to expand the economic base, and to ensure more equitable distribution of resources and national unity. In the late 1970s and 1980s Thailand’s external security concerns were amongst the incentives for structural transformation.

g) “The outcomes of strategic national development planning have also been vastly different.

The Philippines had a higher Gross National Product (GNP) per capita than Malaysia in the 1950s and Thailand in the 1970s. By 1990 Malaysia’s GNP per capita was three times and Thailand’s almost twice that of the Philippines even though the Philippines also set up a planning and co-ordination machinery. Instructively, in the Philippines, the core decisionmaking structures comprised four oversight agencies responsible for economic policymaking with little co-ordination between them. In contrast Malaysia, Thailand and South Korea have much stronger interagency co-ordination to plan and execute the development plan concentrated in the office of the head of government. h) “A common striking feature of the successful states, particularly Malaysia, has been effective co-ordination and linking of the central co-ordinating agencies into the machinery of the development planning process — the Ministries of Finance, Industry and Public Service and Administration for example are closely linked to the bodies responsible for planning and implementation co-ordination in the Prime Minister’s office.” GREEN PAPER: Annexure 1, Lessons from International Experience i) “Lack of a coherent long-term plan has weakened our ability to provide clear and consistent policies. It has limited our capacity to mobilize all of society in pursuit of our developmental objectives. It has hampered our efforts to priorities resource allocations and to drive the implementation of government’s objectives and priorities. In addition, weaknesses in coordination of government have led to policy inconsistencies and, in several cases, poor service delivery outcomes.” GREEN PAPER: Preface by Trevor Manuel (then South African Minister of Finance)

A National Plan for Zimbabwe

226) There can be no long-term solution for the problems of Zimbabwe unless production is put first. Zimbabwe has abundant natural resources and it is the harnessing of these resources with an understanding of priorities through a national plan that there can be any national recovery. Following the lead of other countries with fast developing economies, we need to establish a National Planning Commission. It should be broad based and transparent. Provincial and District Planning Commissions should draw-up local plans in consultation with the people. In order to accomplish this, we need a Draft National Plan to be drawn up by planning professionals working in conjunction with representatives of industry and trade unions as well as regional representatives. 227) The Draft National Plan needs to be discussed in every Ward and village. Every Town and District should have a Development Plan implemented with the assistance and oversight of a permanent, broad-based Planning Committee. Every Province must have a Provincial Plan and a permanent, broad-based Planning Commission. There must be an over-arching National Plan and a permanent, broad-based National Planning Commission. The Zimbabwean Diaspora must be involved in developing and financing the National Plan. 228) Planning Committees at lower levels need to be dominated by people at local level. Planning at the higher levels will require a greater input by planning professionals. However, we will need mutual sympathy between the professionals and the people who are involved directly in production. Professional planners need not be arrogant to those involved directly in production — and those involved directly in production should not have an obstructive or dismissive attitude towards the professional planners. The development of our country, Zimbabwe, must always be the priority. 229) In implementing the National Plan, the commanding heights of the economy should be publicly owned through parastatals or in some cases by enterprises under Provincial, Municipal or District ownership. All enterprises privatised since ESAP must be restored to public ownership. Parastatals

230) We will need strong, efficient parastatals staffed by competent professionals recruited for their expertise and experience. Though there should be political appointees to the boards of parastatals to monitor adherence to the National Plan and to national development policies, they must be always outnumbered by appropriately trained professionals. Appointments made on the basis of nepotism or cronyism must not be allowed. 231) Whenever possible, parastatals should be self-contained and working for the national interest, by which we mean principally the interests of the working class and peasantry. Parastatals should engage with the private sector locally or with foreign investors to create joint ventures only when and where this is necessary and appropriate in the interests of efficient production, i.e. when we need expertise either in production or distribution or the acquisition of machinery which would otherwise be unavailable. This proviso must never be abused by unscrupulous ‘business people` with no real skills.

Currency and Banking

232) Since the beginning of ESAP, as noted earlier, there has been an utter lack of understanding by those in government of the relationship of money to production. We note that the introduction of a multi-currency system introduced in 2009 during the GNU period led to an easing of economic conditions. The re-introduction of the ZimDollar during a period of further decline in production cannot produce any favourable result. 233) The ZCP advocates the return of the multi-currency system, but with the South African Rand rather than the US Dollar becoming the currency of reference. This would encourage Zimbabweans living in South Africa to build businesses in Zimbabwe and return home. Many productive people are also in Botswana using the Pula and a return to the multi-currency system would also assist them. The use of electronic transactions has, in the past, assisted the currency shortage and should also be part of the mix. Such a policy would most certainly ease the immediate problems in Zimbabwe and severely reduce opportunities for those who would run the currency black market. 234) The ZCP is of the opinion that the refusal of government to implement a policy which would ease the situation for both business and ordinary people is only in part a consequence of incompetence. The main reason for refusing to do the obvious is the involvement of senior politicians, RBZ officials and others in illegal money trading which, for little effort puts a great deal of money into the hands of a few at the expense of the many; it also undermines any attempt to improve production. 235) The first principle of banking in a restored Zimbabwe is that banking must serve productive industry and not be used to suck its life-blood and eventually destroy it. Banking and accountancy must be used to assess and regulate growing production. 236) It is self-evident that banking should be well regulated and under strict government supervision. 237) Before dealing with the private banking sector, we must deal with the administration of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ), which we know has been at the centre of corruption in the financial sector. a) We therefore propose an immediate investigation of all current RBZ employees, in particular the most senior ones. b) Those under suspicion must be immediately placed on suspension and replaced with tried and trusted people of integrity from private sector banks in Zimbabwe, from central bank employees of friendly countries or by any other suitable people with a proven track record. c) Two teams of new RBZ officials must be appointed, one to keep the bank running, the other to make a deep forensic investigation into corruption and irregularities.

d) With the assistance of law enforcement, stolen money must be recovered.

e) Those guilty of corruption must face harsh sentences and have all property in the form of buildings, cars, jewellery or other luxury items confiscated. This must also be imposed on their immediate families; those who try to protect the property of wrong-doers through fraudulent transfer of illegally acquired wealth must also have their property confiscated and face custodial sentences. f) Corruption must be rooted out and only those employees with a clean record should return to their posts, if indeed there are any. 238) The global melt-down of 2008 was wholly caused by the corrupt US banking system. The meltdown in Zimbabwe in 2004 was wholly caused by the corrupt Zimbabwean banking system. 239) All banking regulations in force in Zimbabwe prior to ESAP in 1991 must be restored with immediate effect. In particular, the duplum rule must be re-introduced and enforced. (This forbids, even through compound interest, interest becoming more than the original sum. Thus, under this rule it is unlawful to try to recover more than twice the amount of money originally loaned.) a) Securitisation of loans must be banned with immediate effect. b) Banks which flout the regulations must have their banking licenses revoked and their assets confiscated. c) There must be harsh laws against the buying and selling of currency. Harsh sentences must be imposed on all found guilty of illegal currency trading in line with those suggested above for corrupt Reserve Bank officials. d) Half of all gold produced in Zimbabwe must be kept in the country and go into the vaults of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe in order to give strength to the currency. e) A strong, government-owned National Commercial Bank must be established. f) Co-operative Banks should be established by the people with government assistance. g) Close ties must be established with the BRICS Bank as the only credible alternative internationally recognised banking system. 240) In order to create a production-oriented banking system geared to the needs of national economic recovery, Government must establish an expert Commission to study and report back on banking so that a new and effective system can be established. Foreign as well as local experts need to be recruited on to that Commission. The following need to be studied as part of the Commissions work: a) The Zimbabwe banking system prior to ESAP. b) The banking systems of former socialist countries (such as the USSR, Yugoslavia and Hungary), those countries following a socialist path today (Cuba, China, Vietnam) and those countries which have successfully followed an autonomous growth strategy (Bolivia, Nicaragua, Malaysia). c) The recovery of Iceland after its banking melt-down. d) Islamic Banking. e) Co-operative banking (especially in Brazil and Bangladesh). f) The BRICS Bank, Banco del Sud and other relatively progressive international banking organisations. The Commission should then make recommendations to the Zimbabwean people and their government on how the banking system should be reformed. As the Commission could take some time to fully complete its work, interim recommendations should be made at an early stage.

PLANNING PRIORITIES

241) The two most basic economic priorities needed for self-sufficiency and therefore form the base for national sovereignty are food and energy. Energy includes both electricity and fuel. 242) Water is a major problem in Zimbabwe as rainfall has declined since Independence in 1980 while the population has grown. Global warming and climate change are continuing to negatively impact on the existing conditions. The problems of agriculture involve reduced rainfall just as much as chaotic land reform. However, the problem of water supply is not only about the building and maintenance of dams, it is also about pumping the water to wherever it is needed, therefore electricity supply becomes the most important single factor in infrastructural development and economic recovery. On electrical power 243) The current coal-fired power stations are performing far below capacity and need refurbishing. Making them more efficient can reduce carbon emissions and the use of their smoke to produce protein-rich algae which may be turned into bio-fuel or cattle feed can further reduces carbon emissions. This has been done extensively in Brazil. 244) A gas-fired power station must be built at Lupane using the so far untapped natural gas. The direct use of natural gas for domestic cooking and also for some industrial operations can significantly reduce the demand for electricity. 245) The building of waste-fired power stations as used in Sweden and Austria can not only dispose of domestic waste but can provide electric power with lower rate of carbon emission than coal. Such power stations should be built in Harare and Bulawayo and the possibility of clearing existing waste dumps investigated. 246) Hydro-electric power plants at Victoria Falls and Kariba Dam needs to be upgraded. Kariba Dam is in danger of collapse: if this happens it will be a catastrophe not only for Zimbabwe but for Zambia and Mozambique too. We have been informed that plans are in place to refurbish the Dam and must investigate the progress, if any, being made. 247) Solar Power needs to be massively increased with factories producing both solar water-heating and solar electric panels. In the rural areas these can be used in conjunction with establishment of wood lots and the use of wood-burning stoves to reduce deforestation and the amount of time spent by women on the collection of firewood. Street lighting and traffic lights should be solar powered throughout Zimbabwe, thus reducing the need for mains electricity supply. Solar Power should be seen as the main form of electricity generation in the future. On liquid fuel 248) Zimbabwe has enormous coal reserves but no oil. We have the capacity to at least partially overcome our fuel problems through the following: 249) Putting our whole railway system back to steam (part of it is still relying on steam) thus saving a large amount of forex spent on importing diesel and also on imported diesel engines and spare parts. 250) There is a large low-grade coalfield in the south of Zimbabwe spreading across Matabeleland South and Masvingo Provinces but which has never been exploited. This coal is suitable for conversion into liquid fuel. This could be achieved through a deal with SASOL in South Africa which specialises in this process. 251) As mentioned above, there is a large untapped gas-field around Lupane in Matabeleland North. Conversion of some vehicles to methane gas is a possibility which needs to be investigated. 252) Production of bio-fuel. This can be achieved through the following methods.

a) Production of ethanol from sugar. This is already being done but is now a monopoly under the

control of an individua. This needs further investigation. b) Increased production of jatropha on marginal land. This has so far been done half-heartedly but if carried out in a systematic manner could be of major importance. c) Production of high-protein algae at coal-fired power stations. This process has been extremely successful and has significantly reduced greenhouse gas emissions. Liquid fuel can be produced from the algae d) Increased use of bio-gas from human and animal waste. This can be done especially on large-scale farms and sewerage farms. 253) Hydrogen cell technology is now providing a cheap and clean method of propulsion for vehicles. China, south Korea, Japan, Germany and France are now investing in it. This technology focuses on the splitting of water into hydrogen and oxygen and requires platinum as a catalyst. It is the hydrogen which is the used as fuel and when burnt simply gives off water. Zimbabwe as a platinum mining country should become part of this development. In just a few years to come, petrol and diesel will become obsolete. Integrated Energy Programme 254) An integrated energy programme needs to be worked out and implemented. Without any doubt, Zimbabwe could severely reduce its energy imports and possibly could eliminate them. It is also essential that Zimbabwe makes the transition to clean energy with urgency. Water 255) Water is the most essential need for daily life. But in Zimbabwe, a country which most of the time suffers water shortages, there is little real planning. Dams exist but are not properly maintained and frequently we find dams which contain water but without means of utilising that water. 256) The people of Harare and Chitungwiza face water-borne disease with sewerage running into their drinking water. The disgusting state of the water in the capital city of Zimbabwe is a national disgrace; in Chitungwiza people go for days without any water at all and then are faced with a brown, smelly liquid which the authorities refer to as ‘water’. The provision of clean water in all our urban areas is an immediate necessity with priority to be given to the places worst affected. Methods of providing clean water to rural communities must also be addressed as well as means of dealing with waste water and recycling. 257) There are three major water programmes in the dry provinces of Matabeleland North, Matabeleland South and Masvingo as well as the Metropolitan Province of Bulawayo which need completion. These are the Matabeleland-Zambezi Water Project, in particular the Gwayi-Shangani Dam which affects Matabeleland North and Bulawayo. The Nuanetsi Scheme in Masvingo Province which needs the Tokwa Dam to be completed in order to be functional. The Matabeleland South Water Project, which is almost unknown, would connect existing dams as well as build two new ones to create a pipeline for agriculture in Zimbabwe’s driest Province. 258) Manicaland, Mashonaland East, Mashonaland Central and parts of Mashonaland West are prone to flooding. There must be methods of dealing with floodwater and chanelling it to areas which are short of water. 259) The creation of a National Water Plan is clearly a priority for Zimbabwe, both for the development of industry and for the health and well-being of the people.

Agriculture

260) The recent history of Zimbabwe has highlighted the central importance of agriculture in the economy of our country. However, in condemning the anarchic incompetence and inability of the ZANU(PF) government to carry out a land reform programme which is both just and productive, and the greed of the parasitic black bourgeoisie in grabbing the best land for itself, we should not forget the historical conditions under which this happened: 261) Under the 1930 Land Apportionment Act and a number of subsequent acts, (none of which made any fundamental change to the 1930 original), the Rhodesian Government divided the land into two, the white minority not only receiving approximately the same amount of land as the black majority, but also receiving the bulk of the best agricultural land. Following forced removals of the historic owners, the white minority then proceeded to create laws and give themselves title deeds to that land. 262) Following Independence in 1980, the white farmers, many of them owning multiple farms, with 1000 hectares representing only an average sized farm, consistently opposed any compromise on the question of land reform, despite the fact that only 40% of their land was being fully utilised. 263) The culmination of this was, the British Government through its surrogate organisation in Zimbabwe the MDC, opposed the Draft Constitution of 2000 because of its land reform clause, despite the fact that that same constitution limited the term of office of the President, liberalised citizenship laws and guaranteed the rights of women amongst other progressive reforms. The defeat of this democratic constitution precipitated the direct action by war veterans and others who had waited 20 years to see the fruits of their struggle. They occupied land to which white farmers had given themselves legal title under the Rhodesian Government. 264) Nevertheless, the white farmers were generally competent at their job and the programme of removing them totally from the land was both wrong and foolish, more especially given the fact that the defeat of US backed forces in DRC and Angola provoked a furious response in terms of political and economic destabilisation characterised by the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (ZIDERA). Such situations require the maximum national integrated effort, especially with regard to food production. After the initial land occupations, many white farmers demonstrated their willingness to co-operate with government. Fair treatment of those who co-operated would have encouraged many others to follow suit and the underlying current for national unity against foreign interference could have been a springboard for independent economic growth and development rather than its opposite. 265) Distribution of land has been even more skewed. Generally, A2 farmers representing those from the over-crowded communal lands and the more serious of the war veterans have, with their limited resources been more successful than the A1 farmers who are typically ‘businessmen’ living in town for whom farming is a hobby conducted by the occasional phone call to the ‘farm manager’, in most cases an under-paid and under-qualified poor relative. Government Ministers have grabbed multiple farms in an orgy of self-enrichment. The Mnangagwa administration has invited back white farmers deprived of all their land but has embarked on a campaign of removing peasants resettled by war veterans nearly 20 years ago. Government seems incapable of establishing a system of land tenure which is both just and productive. 266) For the most part, the real producers on the farms, the experienced farm labourers, many of them of Malawian or Mozambican origin, have been left out of the equation. When applying for land, they have been told that they are foreigners, and in most cases, when they have remained on the farms, their truly awful former white employers have been replaced by others who are far worse. The result is that many have returned to their countries of origin while others have simply become destitute.

267) The lack of agricultural planning has for years been a serious problem. In 2016, the Command Agriculture programme actually created a temporary improvement, but the involvement of statecapture company Sakunda Holdings with its close relationship to Trafigura coupled with the lack of transparency have made it simply another area from which the rich can loot. 268) Although the drier provinces of Matabeleland North and South and Masvingo have been advised to grow small grains rather than maize, government has continued to wastefully give out maize-seed packs and fertilizer. The growing of small grains has been encouraged only locally and spasmodically without any overall plan. Production of crops specifically adapted to dry land, pigeon peas and cassava for example is almost non-existent. Despite the exorbitant cost of insecticides and chemical fertilizers, organic farming methods remain virtually unknown. 269) Meat production has concentrated on beef. The excellent work by the Matopos Research Station in commercial goat production has hardly moved outside the Station. Commercial production of eland and impala has hardly been touched; ostrich production has been systematically destroyed. 270) Agro-industrial estates, responsible for efficient production of sugar, tea, citrus fruit, coffee and other products have wholly or partly given to small individual producers, as has some Forestry Commission land with disastrous consequences for production. Agro-industrial estates must be restored with ownership wholly or partly belonging by the nations and the workers. 271) Since Independence, successive drought, even before 2000 had a negative impact on agriculture, yet Zimbabwe has not been able to boast of a comprehensive irrigation policy. Sanctions have largely interfered with funding of the two major irrigation schemes, the Matabeleland-Zambezi Water Project and the Nuanetsi Scheme.

The Way Forward in Agriculture

272) There are seven basic problems to be tackled if we are to have efficient agricultural production coupled with the improvement of the lives of those living in the rural areas: a) Correction of the mismanaged land redistribution. b) Expansion and streamlining of irrigation schemes. c) Serious technical planning of production taking into account the food needs of the population, export production and local conditions of soil and climate. d) A charter to safeguard the rights of agricultural workers. e) Skills training in agriculture at different levels including in situ training for peasant farmers. f) Special planning for communal lands in conjunction with their communities. g) The necessity of introducing sustainable, modern organic farming methods. Land Distribution 273) Unless those that are managing the land are competent, or at least enthusiastic and willing to learn the necessary skills, agricultural production cannot be achieved. Those who have been responsible for disrupting production and terrorising agricultural communities must be dealt with urgently. This includes undisciplined elements in the police and the army. 274) An impartial land audit needs to take place. Those not using land or seriously under-utilising land need to be removed. Those white farmers deprived of all their land should be rehabilitated on the “one family – one farm” basis. Land must be made available to all Zimbabweans serious about farming regardless of ethnic background. As far as possible, although productive ability must be the first criterion, strong consideration should be given to prioritise people who belong to the area where land redistribution is taking place.

275) Those agro-industrial estates which have been sub-divided must be re-united. Where possible the old management must be restored. However, in terms of ownership, the old owners should have 49% of shares, the employees, divided into the three categories of management, supervisors and technicians, and general workers should collectively own 20% of the shares (an employee receiving his share after 1 year’s employment and surrendering it when leaving ― but retaining it on retirement). 8% should be owned by the district, 8% by the province and 15% by the national government. In this way, the needs of effective management, genuine indigenisation, motivation of the work force and devolution of power are all met. Forestry Commission land should be restored and even extended. 276) Irrigation [See Water above) is absolutely necessary for intensive large-scale crop production. However, where irrigation is not available, the use of dry-land crops must be encouraged. The provision of maize seed to dry areas without irrigation is a ridiculous waste. Local communities must be involved in the maintenance of irrigation facilities. Technical Planning 277) Innovative and serious technical planning needs to be carried out, which will encourage maximum land use according to availability of water in the form of rainfall or irrigation, soil-type and terrain. The “mombes and mealies” [maize and cattle] mentality must be overcome, as must reliance on expensive agricultural chemicals. Large scale production of wheat must be encouraged so that Zimbabwe becomes self-sufficient in wheat-flour and bread. Nutritious traditional small-grains should be encouraged particularly in the drier areas and milling, packaging and advertising must be established to encourage their consumption. Potato farming can play an important role in irrigated areas and produce an alternative starch crop. 278) Commercial goat farming is highly profitable and there is a huge untapped export market in Muslim countries. Commercial production of game meat also has a very good export potential as does the rehabilitation of the ostrich industry. Fish-farming along Chinese lines needs to be implemented. 279) Establishment of jatropha and other forms of forestry on marginal land also needs to be part of the plan. Those innovations which have been tested and found to be effective need to be implemented immediately. At the same time, experimental farms should be established and the mechanism put in place which will implement all those innovations which will assist sustainable agriculture. Organic Farming Methods 280) Organic farming methods are cheaper in terms of inputs and more sustainable. They have been particularly well developed in Cuba. Here is an outline of what needs to be promoted: a) Crop rotation. There is still a tendency for farmers in Zimbabwe to grow the same crops on the same land year after year. b) Maintaining ground cover to retain moisture and soil bio-diversity by mulching, inter-cropping or by no-till methods. This is particularly important in dry areas. c) Using natural insecticides like khaki weed, tobacco dust and garlic rather than poisons which enter the ecosystem. d) Vermiculture: Using earthworms to improve the soil and introduce nitrogen into the soil either by encouraging the existing population or by using red wigglers for breaking down waste. e) Bee-keeping: Most of our people imagine that bees are mainly for honey production. They do not realise that the main function of bees is pollination. We believe that destruction of wild bee colonies as well as lack of understanding of the necessity of commercial bee-keeping has played a role in the reduction of agricultural outputs. Bees are essential for sunflowers, most bean crops and nearly all fruit crops.

f) Use of animal manure, treated human waste from sewerage farms and vegetable compost as

fertilizer. Agricultural Workers 281) Agricultural workers are some of the poorest and most exploited people in Zimbabwe. They have benefited nothing from the liberation struggle, yet they have toiled to produce food for the nation. It is essential that this situation comes to an end. Zimbabwe cannot allow any of its people to be clothed in rags and live in poverty. Further to that, if we are to encourage skilled and hard-working people to remain in our rural areas and build agricultural production, they must be well paid and enjoy a comfortable living standard. It is a well-known fact that people who are properly looked-after are far more productive than those who are not. 282) The Communist Party must fight to establish an Agricultural Workers’ Charter in collaboration with the appropriate Trade Unions and other bona fide representatives of the workers. This Charter should include rights to a minimum wage, decent housing, clean water, electricity (mains or solar), education, pensions, security, Zimbabwean citizenship and any other demands as agreed by the workers themselves.

Communal Lands

283) Development projects are needed on our communal lands, normally in conjunction with the traditional leadership of the area. Those projects, as with those for agricultural labourers, will bring clean water, electricity and decent housing to those areas ― but they must also become productive and self-sustaining, not depending on hand-outs. 284) When we deal with such communities, we must make sure that no group is subservient to another, and that each ethnic group or sub-group has its own leadership. For instance, the small San groups on the western border do not have any leadership recognised by government and are subservient to local Kalanga chiefs. Similar conditions exist elsewhere in the country for other oppressed minorities. 285) Communal projects will differ considerably according to local conditions and traditions. Cooperative, Collective and State Farming 286) Co-operative buying and selling must be encouraged for individual peasant farmers and for commercial farmers. 287) Peasant farmers must not be at the mercy of greedy transport operators who buy their produce cheaply and sell at an inflated price. Communities need to own transport on a co-operative basis. 288) Dairibord, Cotton Marketing Board and Farmers’ Co-op must return to co-operative ownership. 289) The Zimbabwe Project must be re-established to assist the re-establishment of collective farms and other collective co-operative ventures. This must be facilitated by government. 290) Where possible and necessary, such as in the Nuanetsi scheme, government must establish state farms. In some cases, government should take over agro-industrial estates or participate in 50/50 agreements with the companies involved.

MINERALS

291) The first principle to be understood is that the minerals of Zimbabwe are the common property of its people. 292) The second principle is that the people of the province and the district in which those minerals are found have preference of interest over those from other parts of the country.

293) The third is that having understood the first two, any mining company, local or foreign, which can provide the expertise to mine those minerals and to market them, will, once a contract is signed, have those rights and terms secured by government, without interference for the duration of that contract. 294) In furtherance of these principles, the standard outline form of agreement should be as follows, negotiation around these fundamentals being allowed. a) Within a maximum 10-year period, ownership of any mining venture should be shared by the Zimbabwean people and a commercial mining company in the overall ratio 51% to 49%. b) The Zimbabwean interest should be divided in the ratio of 31% to government, 20% to the employees. c) In line with the policy of devolution of power, the government owned proportion should be divided thus: 15% ownership should be controlled by national government, and 16% by local government. This should be further broken down so that 8% goes to the provincial government and 8% to the district. d) The share going to the employees should be sub-divided in three, 50% going to the general workforce, 30% to middle-management and technical staff, 20% to senior management. The shares would be equally divided according to category and be given to those who had at least one year’s service. Shares would be surrendered on leaving the company except for those retiring from the company. Shares would also be made available to the families of those dying whilst in company service. This policy would give a degree of control, responsibility, pride and motivation to the workforce. It would also add to the programme of devolution, putting money back into the community and creating stability. e) Interest for potential investors would be created through a ten-year induction period. In the first two years the investor would have total control. The collective Zimbabwean share would rise to 25% in the next four years, 33% in the following four years rising to 51% after 19 years. The investor would not be taxed and would have freedom to repatriate his money. Contracts would be for ten years at a time. Should there be a move by an investor to pull out prior to accepting a 49% share, government would retain the right to nationalise completely with the total shareholding within the nation being divided as above. 295) Government would retain the right to buy shares on the open market of mining companies operating in Zimbabwe and should pursue that when money is available. 296) Closure of mines must be followed by rehabilitation of land and establishment of new industry for the community, which should be built into the programme. 297) A mining parastatal must be established in Zimbabwe quickly but not hastily. It must be led by people who have a combination of skill, dedication, honesty and devotion to the concept of having an efficient, nationally-owned company in which the workers have a share and which co-operates with the local people wherever it operates.

SECONDARY INDUSTRY

298) It has been frequently pointed out that we should add value to products before exporting; that we should endeavour to export finished goods rather than raw materials. This concept is not wrong. However, we cannot make finished products without firstly paying attention to the problem of the energy needed to produce it, which has been dealt with earlier in this document; secondly, we need to properly develop secondary industry, particularly with regard to minerals. For instance, we have iron, nickel and chrome, but we do not produce stainless steel ― before we can produce ball-bearings and stainless-steel pots, we must be able to produce stainless steel. Before we can weave cotton cloth, we need to spin the cotton.

We must aim to be as self-sufficient as possible as a nation so that never again can sanctions bring us

to our knees: to achieve this, we need to prioritise, to understand the steps needed to get to where we are going and not to do things haphazardly. MANUFACTURING INDUSTRY 299) Some large-scale companies ― Zisco-Steel, Tregers, should be under government ownership or control. However, it is in the manufacturing sector that private initiative can play an important role, especially where import substitution or export is concerned. Those with innovative ideas must be encouraged to develop those ideas. Venture capital must be made available to such people. Our universities and research institutes must be empowered to help those who wish to bring their ideas into commercial usage. In the past, innovative ideas, such as those developed by the Building Research Institute in Harare and the Matopos Research Station have either been ignored or actively blocked by government officials and even ministers. We need pro-active officials who see their job as facilitators of economic growth rather than as blockers. Those who are not interested in performing must be dismissed. Those who actively misuse their positions for private gain must be either imprisoned or stripped of their illegally gained property. 300) Like in agriculture, industry can only grow if the workforce is properly remunerated. As stated in our introduction, those skilled Zimbabweans effectively expelled by ‘indigenous entrepreneurs’ with the collusion of the ZANU(PF) government, need to be offered reasonable remuneration, conditions and stability in order that they may return home. Without them there can be no growth. Wage and salary settlements should grow with the economy. They must NEVER fall below the annual inflation rate. A steady rise in real wages for the working class actually stimulates the economy. Unlike the bosses, they are more likely to spend their money on locally produced goods than on expensive imported commodities, and are more likely to save their money for the future, if they have a surplus to save. People who have worked hard for their money are far less likely to squander it than those who have had windfalls of unearned income. Policies must be put in place to ensure this. Therefore a social contract is needed, but not one which sub-ordinates the interests of the workers to capitalist greed and short-sightedness ― rather one that will ensure a steady rise in the living standards of the workers whilst maintaining uninterrupted production. 301) No-strike agreements can be made in return for workers receiving a substantial part of company profits, membership of boards of directors and access to company accounts. Workers’ organisations should also be engaged in buying shares which are then co-operatively owned and managed by the workers of that company.

COMMUNICATIONS

302) In the past, enormous sums of money were spent to maintain the prestige status of Air Zimbabwe when rural untarred roads could not even be graded. Though a huge amount needs to be achieved in the communications sector, priorities need to be established in line with the general economic growth. plan. 303) Zimbabwe needs a national road-building programme linked to economic growth. Proper maintenance of rural roads must be the priority in terms of the communication structure. Regular grading of untarred roads must take place as must the extension of the tarred road network. Innovative methods of road-making must also be investigated. In the past, most of the wealth of Zimbabwe has been produced in the countryside, through mining and agriculture but has been consumed in the towns and cities. This parasitic arrangement needs to end in order for rapid growth to take place. 304) As discussed in the section on energy, we need a massive renewal of the railways. Because of the ability of railways to move huge bulk cargoes by rail cheaply and efficiently with minimum fuel usage, they are expanding again worldwide.

In many cases, including Zimbabwe, private road hauliers have in the past deliberately and corruptly

persuaded governments not to invest in their rail systems. National Railways of Zimbabwe needs a nationally owned road service section which will ferry goods from railway stations to their destinations. 305) It is very important to improve rail links to all the surrounding countries. Most important of all is the link to the port of Beira. It is also very important is to create new links to Angola and DRC in conjunction with SADC. 306) Passenger transport should also concentrate on increased rail transport. Within the bigger cities particularly Harare and Chitungwiza, we need to look at an internal rail network which may be conventional, underground, monorail or a combination of all three. We welcome the recent return of ZUPCO buses destroyed a few years ago by spectacular unpunished corruption. An affordable, subsidised public transport system exists in every major city in the world. Subsidised public transport is an incentive for private vehicle owners to keep out of city centres, thus avoiding congestion and lessening wear and tear on roads. 307) Private operators of passenger transport must keep their vehicles roadworthy and ensure that their drivers are properly trained and keep to the rules of the road, particularly with regard to speeding. The argument that “they are indigenous and we mustn’t be too hard on them” does not hold water. The people killed through reckless driving by bus and kombi drivers are also indigenous. Those who own passenger transport companies and habitually avoid regulations must have their licenses revoked. 308) Posts and telecommunications must be returned to public ownership and an integrated system re-established. The nationally owned cell-phone service provider should keep its rates moderate, and the two alternative providers will be forced to keep their rates moderate. 309) Though air travel is not the immediate priority, it is still important especially for the tourist industry. At this point in time, functioning and efficient airports are more important than maintaining a national airline. The establishment of a regional, SADC airline has been discussed but not implemented. This should be pursued. The success of Etihad and Emirates Airlines in the United Arab Emirates should be studied and, if possible, emulated.

GOVERNMENT

310) The focus of government must be on economic recovery. The size of government, whether of numbers of Cabinet, Members of Parliament, local councillors, civil servants or local government officers is secondary. Their efficiency, focus and relevance to the task at hand is primary. 311) Government which is too large and unfocussed is merely ‘jobs for the boys’ and a burden on the productive sector of society. Government which is too small and has minimal control is profoundly undemocratic as it reduces the power of the people through their elected representatives and hands it to the sharks and criminals who buy, sell and manipulate without constraint. 312) Size, then, must be related to function and performance. We do not need a ‘Minister for Political Affairs’. But if it is decided that in the all-important Ministry of Energy that two or even three Deputy Ministers with specific functions are needed to organise the energy needs of Zimbabwe within a given time frame, then it must be done. 313) Every minister must be given a performance contract or go. The same goes for every government employee down to the office cleaner. 314) Remuneration of MPs, ministers, civil servants and the President himself must be related to the salaries and wages of the Zimbabwean people as a whole. Annual increases must be based on a formula which relates to the percentage increases in a basket of salary increases found in Zimbabwean Industry.

New ministerial cars must be at least assembled in Zimbabwe and be of a type suitable to fulfil their

function in our conditions. Existing Mercedes-Benz or other state-owned luxury vehicles already in service should be maintained, but no new ones purchased. Professionals working for government should be paid in line with salaries found generally in their profession. When travelling around the country, or to other countries, expenses must be modest as must hotel accommodation. All government and local government departments must have audited accounts, with criminal penalties for those who fail to provide them. Most of all, civil servants should stop behaving as the people who say ‘no’, and see themselves as the facilitators of growth and national recovery. THE CLASS NATURE OF THIS PROGRAMME 315) Because of the specific problems of Zimbabwe, because of the almost total destruction of the economy by the parasitic black bourgeoisie, we have the situation where most of the working class is either involved in the informal economy or is in exile. At this stage there is no possibility for immediate socialism, but the demand for National Planning and return to a form of economy that was in place prior to ESAP is attractive to most Zimbabweans regardless of class. 316) Therefore, this programme is a multi-class programme of a kind originally espoused by the national liberation movements rather than by the Communist Parties. The almost total take-over of the liberation movements by the black-parasitic bourgeoisie has meant that this intermediate stage of development between capitalism and socialism must now be led by Communists. However, we must be mindful of the errors of the past. We must be mindful of the dangers of a multi-class programme — even though it is the only way forward at the present time. We must also be mindful of the dual nature of the African struggle. Our Communist Party is made up of both former members of ZANU(PF) and former members of MDC. 317) The ZANU(PF) government has frequently adopted a principled stand against imperialism, especially with regard to the Congo War of 1998-2003. Many of the positions of the ZANU(PF) government, such as on the question of democratisation of the United Nations are still anti-imperialist and in line with what we think as Communists. But at home, that government and that party are totally under the control of the parasitic black bourgeoisie which has plundered the economy and impoverished the people. 318) The MDC, or the idea for MDC came in the mid-1990s after the effects of ESAP began to seriously affect the living standards of the working class. They opposed corruption in the ruling party and put forward the idea of the creation of a Labour Party. But who was going to fund them? Following the fall out of ZANU(PF) and the Zimbabwe government with the imperialist centre following Zimbabwe’s intervention in the DRC, opposition forces, which involved the working class on one side and old white Rhodesian capital on the other came together to form the MDC. Instead of a programme which would advance working class interests, the newly-formed MDC adopted a totally neo-liberal programme of ‘minimum government plus foreign investment’. The MDC became the mouthpiece for imperialist interests. 319) We as African Communists must, therefore, advance the concept of the Dual Struggle — Against Imperialism — Against the Parasitic Black Bourgeoisie — For an autonomous National Democratic Economy and a prosperous Zimbabwe, a prosperous Africa. 320) But because of the dangers of the hi-jacking of this multi-class programme, we as Communists must make sure that the working class and the peasantry lead this process, because the next phase is Socialism. There will still be class-struggle. Whether or not the transition from a National Democratic economy to a Socialist economy is relatively smooth or requires a militant or even violent revolution will depend on the strength of the working class and the leadership of the Zimbabwe Communist Party.

IMPLEMENTING AND EXPANDING OUR PROGRAMME

321) The main characteristics of this programme Completing the Liberation of Zimbabwe can only be changed by a National Party Congress. In fact, until the main features of this programme are implemented, the name and focus of this programme should not change, although it will be necessary to revise the contents periodically. 322) There are deficiencies in this programme which will require further debate. Our Party is still in the process of growth and therefore the next Congress should take place in 3 years-time rather than the 5 years traditional in Communist Parties. As the next General Election should be taking place in 2023, it therefore makes sense that the date of the next Congress should be December 2022. 323) In the intervening period, Conferences and Commissions on different issues must be held which include both Party and non-Party people and which can make recommendations which can be discussed by the Central Committee and added to the Programme prior to Congress. These are: a) A Labour Summit to advise on the creation of a single class-conscious labour centre, This centre should not be affiliated to or have strong ties with either of the two major political formations in Zimbabwe (or to any smaller bourgeois parties). This Summit must also devise a programme for the development of the trade union movement in Zimbabwe. b) A Youth Summit. This should be broad-based and include, if possible, both ZANU(PF) and MDC Youth. However, ideas should come out of the Summit which can be referred to the Central Committee and discussed for possible inclusion in our Programme. We need to establish a Youth Committee of the ZCP which with the task of creating a Zimbabwe Young Communist League. c) An Ecological Summit which can deal with the degradation of the environment in general and the problems of climate change in particular. Some of these concerns have already been addressed in our programme. There are two simple policies which can be implemented in the meantime: (i) A national tree-planting programme. (ii) A national “Clean up your neighbourhood” programme which can be implemented through \residents’ associations. d) An Education Commission which can craft an education programme for Zimbabwe. e) A Health Commission which can craft a health programme for Zimbabwe. f) A Legal Commission which can recommend a completely new legal system for Zimbabwe. We cannot continue with the antiquated colonial Roman-Dutch Law and a system which is heavily biased against the poor and in favour of the rich. It must be asserted that the ZCP does not advocate for the “rule of law” but for the establishment of a Just Legal System. In the current conditions the ZCP fights for the implementation of the Constitution of the Republic of Zimbabwe voted for by over 90% of our people in 2013. The Programme of the Zimbabwe Communist Party, until such time as conditions change, will be focussed on the task of: Completing the Liberation of Zimbabwe

From:

HOW THE STEEL

WAS TEMPERED 1932-1934

Man’s dearest possession is life. It is

given to him but once, and he must live it so as to feel no torturing regrets for wasted years, never know the burning shame of a mean and petty past; so live that, dying, he might say: all my life, all my strength were given to the finest cause in all the world ── the fight for the Liberation of Mankind. Nikolai Ostrovsky (1904-1936)